Chapter 47
Chapter 47
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Korean-Style Democracy (3)
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When Lee Seong-jun launched "Korean-style democracy," it influenced Asian countries that had been eyeing Pyongyang as their role model.
"America's suit doesn't fit Asia. We need clothes tailored to our continent. Maybe His Excellency Lee Seong-jun's 'Korean-style democracy' is the answer."
Even the Chinese who had been grinding their teeth at Korea suddenly took interest in Lee Seong-jun's Korean-style democracy.
"Given the reality of a divided Republic of China, wouldn't it make sense for a strong military to take the reins and lead the country first?"
The fact that what the Republic of China called military rule or whatever else wasn't all that different in substance also eased the aversion among Chinese intellectuals.
Chiang Kai-shek quickly read the mood.
On reflection, imitating Lee Seong-jun wasn't necessarily a bad idea.
Chiang floated the idea to his loyalists in the Executive Yuan of giving Korean-style reforms a try.
"Even though he's our enemy, don't you think we should learn from how Lee Seong-jun innovated his system to pursue political stability?"
Executive Yuan Vice President H.H. Kung thought Chiang was crossing a line, but he didn't step up to oppose it.
There were plenty of others who would anyway.
"Has Chiang lost his mind in his old age?"
Once Chiang's scheme leaked, the anti-Chiang faction in the Kuomintang raised a unified cry of condemnation against the Chairman.
"Remember Yuan Shikai's fate. We have no intention of serving Emperor Chiang!"
Faced with such fierce backlash from his rivals, Chiang backpedaled, claiming there had been a misunderstanding.
All the while, he felt regret.
"This is exactly why this country won't work. It needs an absolute leader with full authority to lead it—like in Korea—so we can stand against foreign powers."
Without unifying everyone from the leader down in lockstep, how could they protect their sovereignty and independence from great powers like Korea?
Those fools had learned nothing from the defeat in the Sino-Korean War.
"No wonder I'm the only one who can save this country."
But even he couldn't make a bold patriotic decision like Lee Seong-jun's.
Any such move would only provoke the warlords outside the directly controlled territories.
While Chiang was salivating over Lee Seong-jun's Korean-style democracy, Japan was in a slightly different situation.
With the real power in the country held by Japanese Resident-General Yi Dong-nyeong from the start, the central government couldn't adopt Korean-style democracy even if it wanted to.
"That's Tokyo's problem."
The 66 domains making up Japan began adopting Korean-style democracy on their own.
"We pretend to graciously grant some power to the rabble while keeping real control on our side. Lee Seong-jun really is a sly bastard."
"Just toss a few assembly seats to the peasants, squeeze them for cash, and it's all profit."
Japan's noble houses found Korean-style democracy easier to swallow than Western-style democracy.
With Western culture already flooding in via Korea's influence, if preemptive reform was necessary, adopting Korean-style democracy was the smart play.
In this way, Lee Seong-jun's Korean-style democracy created quite a stir in both China and Japan.
Of course, in America—the homeland of democracy—they just scoffed at Korean-style democracy.
"What kind of democracy is that? Even the German Empire didn't pull stunts like this."
Appointing a quarter of the assembly seats outright by the military—what democracy was that?
But there was something admirable about their clumsy attempt to mimic democracy.
After all, not a single sovereign Asian nation was anything but an authoritarian regime playacting at democracy.
By Asian standards, Lee Seong-jun's Empire of Korea had a remarkably advanced system.
"That's just right for the yellow hordes."
While sneering, Americans responded positively to Korea's democratic "reforms" for now.
The reason was simple.
"With Hitler going berserk across the Atlantic, there's no need to pick a fight with the Koreans."
Above all, Korea's "prudent diplomacy" since the Allied defeat had softened American hostility.
Even with domestic voices clamoring for expansion, the way they suppressed them through political maneuvering showed the Lee Seong-jun regime deserved treatment as a "rational negotiating partner."
Even if it was a military dictatorship.
America adopted a more favorable stance toward Korea than before.
In trade, they even applied the friendly tariff rates from before the military takeover.
It was a windfall Lee Seong-jun hadn't anticipated.
The Soviets, by contrast, were left baffled.
"Korean-style democracy? Sounds like fascism."
Of course, the fascists and Lee Seong-jun's regime differed from the outset in goals and governance.
But Korean-style democracy reeked of fascism.
"Is Korea trying to cozy up to Germany or something?"
Suspicion-heavy Stalin wondered if Lee Seong-jun's reforms were prelude to aligning with Germany.
After agonizing for days in the Kremlin over Korea's intentions, he made a decision.
"We need to send some people to Korea from the Comintern and Pravda."
At Stalin's order, the party and Pravda immediately dispatched personnel to Pyongyang.
A few days later, journalist Richard Sorge and Walter Ulbricht arrived in Pyongyang.
They rented a nice apartment in the city, then bought up newspapers.
"These are the latest Korean papers."
Sorge and Ulbricht sat across from each other in the apartment living room, reading articles with the help of a Korean interpreter.
"The Lee Seong-jun regime is refusing southern expansion, even suppressing popular demand for it."
Why?
Were they aiming somewhere else?
But soon they realized that wasn't it.
"Lee Seong-jun has repeatedly turned down chances to expand territory. No reason he'd fake it now. This must be genuine."
So why was he veering toward something fascism-like?
They analyzed Seong-jun's policies and public speeches.
After days of study and polling Koreans' views, they dimly grasped his intentions.
Lee Seong-jun had no interest in fascism.
He was just extremely interested in power.
"It's all a party misunderstanding."
Ulbricht and Sorge sent a report to that effect to Moscow.
"My misunderstanding, huh. Is that really true?"
Stalin reread the report several times.
Hunting for meanings he might have missed.
But it only confirmed his suspicions were wrong.
"No. They might just not have grasped the full picture."
Stalin was the type to relentlessly dig until evidence supported his paranoia—even if Korea was innocent.
He was convinced something was there.
"Send more people."
Despite being busy watching Germany, Stalin dispatched additional party members to Korea.
Faith and doubt, alliance and potential enmity.
With arch-enemy Germany looming, Stalin couldn't decide how to handle Korea.
Voroshilov finally spoke up.
"Koba, why did you originally want to join hands with the Koreans?"
"Because I thought they'd be useful to us."
"Were they ideologically close to us then?"
Not at all.
Korea's militarism and authoritarianism were a mirror of the German Empire that had attacked Tsarist Russia.
"What are you getting at?"
"We have arch-enemy Germany right in front of us. Europe's demanding all our focus as it is. In this situation, does provoking Korea help the Union's survival?"
"But if the Koreans betray us."
"That's just your suspicion. We and the Koreans both have dangerous potential enemies—we're in no position to betray each other."
Korea had America; the Soviets had Germany.
Sure, Seong-jun was scrambling not to see America as an enemy, but geopolitics painted it that way.
Stalin poured himself a brandy.
"Koba, think it over. We're in a position where we absolutely cannot face threats from both sides. Even if you want to suspect them, you can't afford to."
That was true.
Given the ferocious threat from present-day Germany, Korea had to remain an ally.
"Then I need a safety net I can trust."
"A safety net."
Voroshilov pondered.
What could reassure a dictator?
Finally, Voroshilov had an idea.
"How about this: negotiate directly with Lee Seong-jun?"
Negotiate.
Stalin had only met Lee Seong-jun once.
One meeting couldn't reveal a politician's inner depths.
But a second would reveal more.
Conveniently, there was a pretext.
"As head of state to head of state—not chief of staff—we can meet to confirm the non-aggression pact remains valid. That's reason enough for a summit."
Stalin was cautious when needed but swift when decisiveness called.
"You're right. I need to meet Lee Seong-jun again."
"Good thinking."
Stalin happily shared brandy with Voroshilov.
With his worry resolved, the dictator's mood wasn't half bad.
Stalin and his old friend drank, laughed, and chatted late into the night.
A sideshow brought on by Korean-style democracy.