Chapter 48
Chapter 48
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Preparations (1)
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The meeting with Stalin was, as expected, exhausting and grueling.
I had to carefully calculate what the man of steel was thinking before uttering a single word, so not even one sentence came out easily.
Of course, it was clear he was putting just as much thought into his own words.
It was just a forum to confirm the validity of the non-aggression pact—did it really have to be this intense?
Still, meeting Stalin twice hadn't been for nothing.
Once the discussion on the official agenda wrapped up, a more relaxed atmosphere finally emerged.
At the banquet with Stalin, I offered a few pieces of advice.
“Secretary-General, Europe now boils down to just two ideologies: fascism and communism. Hitler, who’s sustained his nation’s plunder economy through endless expansion, will inevitably target the Soviet Union.”
The Secretary-General agreed.
“You’re right, Prime Minister. Hitler’s exactly the type to do that.”
Unlike in original history, Stalin didn’t buy into the cheap conspiracy theory that the West was plotting a war between Germany and the Soviets.
Germany had won far too cleanly for that.
“So, you should accelerate the war preparations underway in the Union. Germany will definitely invade next year.”
I stated it flatly.
It was a fact anyone could guess, even without knowledge of the future.
The massive deployment of German forces to the east was the clearest evidence that Hitler’s invasion was imminent.
“I’ve received reports along those lines. I also believe late spring to early summer of ’41 poses the greatest danger.”
Of course, Stalin wouldn’t miss something so obvious.
If even our military attaché in Germany—someone with no direct ties—could obtain intel on German division movements, Stalin had access to far more.
“That’s why there are a few things you need to prepare starting now.”
“Go ahead.”
“First, cut back on raw materials supplied to Germany. They’re not fulfilling their end of the German-Soviet trade agreement with the machinery they promised, are they?”
“We’re aware of Germany’s unreliability. But if we reduce resources arbitrarily, won’t it provoke the Nazis into invading sooner?”
Wrong judgment.
The Nazis would attack according to their fixed plan regardless.
Whether we supplied resources or not.
So, scaling back supplies from the start would benefit the Soviets.
From 1939 to ’41 alone, the resources the Soviets provided Germany included 500,000 tons of iron ore, 300,000 tons of scrap metal, 140,000 tons of cotton, 940,000 tons of oil, 160,000 tons of manganese, 23,000 tons of chrome, and more.
Slashing those volumes would deprive Germany’s war economy of critical materials.
True, with Britain’s naval blockade lifted, Germany could source materials from overseas markets.
But nothing matched the Soviets’ in price or quantity.
“The resources you’re handing to the enemy now will come back as tanks and planes aimed at the Soviet Union. At the very least, you don’t want to bolster the enemy’s strength if the Union is going to put up a fight.”
Stalin fell deep into thought.
Just when I wondered how long he’d brood, the Secretary-General spoke.
“You make a valid point, Prime Minister. We’ll consider it favorably.”
“There’s one more thing.”
“I’m listening.”
“You can’t tolerate German incursions into your airspace or provocations at the border. If you let their actions slide, they’ll gather the intel they need for the invasion and use it against the Union.”
“You seem awfully certain the Nazis will do that.”
“I know them pretty well.”
When the conversation ended, Stalin thanked me for the advice.
No big deal.
You have to survive for us to have any room to maneuver under the pressure of superpower America.
In that sense, I sincerely hoped the Soviet Union would triumph.
From the standpoint of human justice, letting the soap-making Jews win felt a bit off, didn’t it?
The Irkutsk summit concluded smoothly in a single day.
The Republic of Korea and the Soviet Union agreed to extend the non-aggression pact to 1950, for a total of ten years.
They’d discuss renewal a year before expiration.
Of course, neither Stalin nor I cared much about whether it’d actually be renewed.
If needed, it would be; if not, it’d break. Renewal wasn’t a big deal.
“Sir, you’ve worked hard.”
Army Minister Kim Seong-ju, who’d accompanied me, lit my cigar.
Ah, this is the stuff.
Havana cigars had a depth you couldn’t get from domestic smokes.
Luxurious? Yeah, well, what could I do.
I didn’t splurge on booze, clothes, houses, or salary hikes, so a little tobacco indulgence was fine, right?
“You have one too.”
“Oh, thank you.”
I personally lit one for Kim Seong-ju.
The thick smoke filled the train car, prompting one of the staff to open a window for ventilation.
With nicotine kicking in, my head finally started to clear.
I called over the Central Intelligence Director, who’d been sitting quietly beside me in silence.
“Director Yi.”
“Yes, sir.”
“How’s the U.S. situation progressing?”
“We’re currently compiling the data.”
Central Intelligence had infiltrated various Nazi groups, including the America-Germany Friendship Society, to wage an intelligence war.
Now, you might wonder here:
How did black-haired East Asians infiltrate white supremacist circles?
Strictly speaking, they hadn’t joined as members.
They’d slipped in more as bagmen footing the bills.
Central Intelligence approached these Nazi groups this way, planting bugs disguised as wall decorations, clocks, mirrors, and the like.
Most didn’t need separate power sources.
They ran on vibrations from human voices as their energy source—practically semi-permanent.
The inspiration came from The Thing, the listening device the Soviets sent to the U.S. embassy in 1945.
With no electronic components or power required, it wasn’t hard to develop.
Original developer Léon Theremin had collaborated with Central Intelligence.
To sum up Theremin briefly: he was a technician provided through the tech exchange promised in the Korea-Soviet non-aggression pact.
“It hasn’t been long since we started, after all.”
Just developing and deploying the bugs would’ve taken up all their time.
“Yes.”
“Still, Director—this is an extremely important matter. No room for mistakes or failure.”
“I’ll keep that in mind.”
Truth be told, the Soviets had more at stake here than we did, but I didn’t mention that.
As we discussed the bugs, Kim Jeong-gil approached with a report.
“Sir, a wire from the homeland has arrived.”
“Bring it.”
I skimmed the latest trends report from the Foreign Ministry.
‘Franco in Spain is considering joining the Axis?’
This could spell real trouble for the Soviets, more than I’d thought.
What was that pig Franco thinking, eyeing entry into a world war?
Should I send him a letter?
With the fateful Germany-Soviet showdown looming, a little prodding from me wouldn’t let the Nazis inflict major damage on the Republic of Korea.
At worst, they’d slap some trade sanctions in their occupied Europe.
‘Might be overreaching a bit?’
Spain could wait.
I showed the Foreign Ministry report to Kim Seong-ju.
“Sir, if Spain joins Germany, it’s basically all of Europe launching a crusade against the Soviets.”
“In your view, do the Soviets have a chance?”
I figured they’d hold out thanks to vast territory and America’s tacit sabotage, but others might see it differently.
“I’d say there’s a 40% chance the Soviets collapse.”
40%?
“Director, what makes you rate the Nazis’ odds so high?”
“I considered three main factors. First, the Wehrmacht has far more combat experience than the Red Army. The Soviets have seen action, but not against great powers like Germany has.”
“True enough.”
“Second, troop quality tips the scales. The Red Army has numerical superiority, but factoring in quality, Germany holds the edge—in aircraft, tanks, vehicles, everything.”
He’s underrating the T-34 too much.
“And third?”
“The Axis navies could dominate the Baltic and Black Seas. Without Britain interfering, Germany and Italy will ravage the Soviet fleet unchecked.”
Oh, right—forgot about that.
A blind spot I’d missed.
The more I heard, the more it seemed Stalin’s preparations fell short.
“From what you’re saying, Director, a German victory wouldn’t be surprising.”
“Just my narrow view. How could I compare my sight to yours, sir?”
My ‘sight’ was just a regular guy’s with future-knowledge glasses.
“Director.”
“Yes, Prime Minister.”
“If war breaks out, we’ll probably need to send some aid on the side.”
“To friends who aren’t even allies?”
Kim Seong-ju’s doubt was natural.
But a one-sided Nazi win didn’t fit the big picture.
Ideally, the Soviets would grind down the Nazis and topple them.
That way, the Republic of Korea could stand firm between America and the Soviets during the Cold War and profit.
Of course, no need to explain all that.
Just assure him it was a win for us.
“I get your concern, Director. Supplying weapons means they might stiff us postwar. But rest assured, there’s a way to collect.”
Kim Seong-ju replied with a resolute expression.
“I’ll see it done.”
As long as the Soviets didn’t fall, we’d collect every debt.
No cash? Resources. No resources? Political leverage.
Their bosses had plenty worth taking.