Chapter 46
Chapter 46
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Our Style of Democracy (2)
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In fact, the middle-class voters who were deeply interested in politics found it hard to judge Yi Seong-jun.
Before the coup, Yi Seong-jun had seemed like someone yearning for Western-style reforms, aspiring toward democracy.
"This kind of principled man like General Yi is who should lead our country."
After the coup, Yi Seong-jun became the archetypal authoritarian ruler promoting developmental dictatorship.
"See? Once the military grabs power, they turn into Park Han-jins."
Around the time of the counter-coup, Yi Seong-jun displayed the signature ignorance of a military dictator reveling in iron-fisted rule.
"Worse than that bastard Park Han-jin."
And now, out of nowhere, he was talking about implementing "Korean-style democracy."
People were momentarily confused by the word "democracy."
That was precisely the effect Park Tong of the original timeline had aimed for.
"Democracy's no big deal. Elevating someone through proper procedures is democracy."
I decided to run for prime minister, aiming to secure the regime's legitimacy while wrapping it in the packaging of democracy.
At this point, declaring my candidacy for prime minister stemmed from the need to refine the optics as I concretized my ideology.
Of course, I wasn't planning to become prime minister by giving the people the right to vote.
Nor was I intending to ascend amid applause from something like the Unification and National Conference.
"Sir, then how exactly do you plan to become prime minister?"
"Im-ja, wouldn't becoming prime minister through a vote in the National Assembly look the best?"
"But sir, there's always that one-in-a-million chance."
"You have a point there, Im-ja."
Even a vote in the National Assembly was nothing special.
As long as the Security Command had dirt on the assemblymen, securing votes would be easier than eating cold porridge.
Still, just in case, I decided to push through "this kind of constitutional amendment."
"Im-ja, prepare it so that a quarter of the assemblymen are nominated by the National Salvation Military Committee."
The military nominating assemblymen was identical to the approach of the Yushin regime or the military juntas in Thailand and Myanmar.
That way, a quarter of the votes were guaranteed right from the start.
If I could sway another third of the remaining assemblymen?
Then half the votes were mine for sure.
And half was enough to win.
This was how I built the "foundation for permanent rule."
The incumbent prime minister, No Jae-woo, and the Grand Governance Assembly fully cooperated with this constitutional amendment.
Since we promised to share the assembly seats nominated by the National Salvation Military Committee, winning them over was easy.
As "Yushin" was being prepared behind the scenes, the military issued statements of support.
"Our leader, General Yi Seong-jun, has finally given the resolute order to lead this nation from the front lines. Now, we must unite our voices to bolster General Yi's path and clear the way ahead. How about we pledge the loyalty of all our generals to him right here?"
"Yes, I agree."
Amid thunderous applause from the generals, the military unanimously declared its support for me.
Even if the military nominally had no authority to nominate the prime minister, exerting open pressure like this left the assemblymen with no choice.
On September 5, 1940, the constitutional amendment was announced.
Even the Yushin Constitution had taken a year to prepare, but we wrapped everything up in just one month.
In truth, since it already maintained the facade of a constitutional democracy, there wasn't much to overhaul.
The result was that our laws became far more draconian than before.
But in substantive terms, things improved somewhat.
"Still, having the prime minister hold military command authority looks better and more plausible than leaving it to the Army Minister or his proxy."
Immediately after the amendment, Acting Prime Minister No Jae-woo issued an order dissolving the National Assembly.
We then appointed the Yushin Revolution Assembly seats allocated to the military under the new constitution.
Elections were held for the remaining three-quarters of the seats.
Korean elections were already such an uneven game that the Grand Governance Assembly, the largest party before, swept most of the seats once again.
Combining the Grand Governance Assembly and Yushin Revolution Assembly seats resulted in an even more severe partisan skew than when the Grand Governance Assembly had dominated alone.
'Perfect.'
In case another amendment was needed later, more assemblymen were better.
Of course, if there weren't enough, we could always throw incumbent assemblymen in jail to adjust the ratios, but avoiding such heavy-handed measures was ideal.
On September 10, in the election held in the National Assembly, Candidate No. 1 Yi Seong-jun won 284 out of 300 votes and was elected prime minister.
"Prime Minister, Your Excellency! Congratulations."
"Your Excellency, our felicitations."
I first received greetings from the Yushin Revolution Assembly members, who were seated in their military uniforms.
Then I shook hands with the approaching Grand Governance Assembly members.
'Now the Empire finally looks like a proper country.'
Yesterday or today, it might look like a democracy on the surface, but there was a world of difference between a head of government in military uniform or not.
"We congratulate Your Excellency, Prime Minister, on your inauguration."
By afternoon, congratulatory telegrams arrived from ambassadors of various countries.
Among them was one from Germany's dictator, Adolf Hitler.
"We congratulate Your Excellency, Prime Minister, on your inauguration and hope that Germany and the Great Korean Empire will build the same close friendship as before."
With a smile, I replied to the letter delivered by Ambassador Eugen Ott.
"The Great Korean Empire also desires smooth relations with Germany."
In truth, it was a lie.
Even if the Nazis were riding high now, it was obvious they'd self-destruct soon. Aligning with them would surely lead to isolation from the entire world.
Even Franco had nearly been ruined postwar for that reason, only surviving thanks to the Cold War.
Judging from the German ambassador's attitude today, it wouldn't be surprising if Germany reached out again soon.
'Maybe that one-balled Hitler will even try to lure me into helping him attack the Soviets.'
Of course, no matter what conditions he offered, I had no intention of joining hands with Hitler.
Why fight a war when I was short on energy just for modernizing the homeland?
If war was absolutely necessary, it had to be the minimal investment to secure postwar position.
After receiving the ambassadors, I prepared my address to the nation.
"Respected citizens of the Empire. I am Yi Seong-jun, elected as Prime Minister of the Great Korean Empire."
I kept my voice cold and clipped.
Coming across as friendly in official settings could lead people to take me lightly.
That would be problematic.
Even though I was formally in the prime minister's seat, maintaining the image of a stern soldier was best for my position.
I began by explaining why I had to become prime minister.
"Over the past three years, the National Salvation Military Committee under my leadership has worked tirelessly across the Empire to modernize our homeland and achieved significant results. Yet, much remains unfinished. There were many things I couldn't accomplish from the position of a uniformed officer."
Of course, it was pure nonsense.
Power doesn't care about the shape of the uniform.
I was only nominally the Army Chief of Staff; in reality, I was the dictator who controlled every power organ in the country at will.
This change was nothing more than a new business card.
But the world judges by appearances.
Just as merchandise sold in a department store seems luxurious compared to the supermarket version.
I had taken the prime minister position aiming for that very effect.
"That is why I ran for prime minister. Fortunately, the people's representatives have given me this opportunity, allowing this unworthy Yi Seong-jun to serve you all."
I spoke of service, but in truth, it was dominion.
Who would let me serve them?
Even the Emperor couldn't do that.
"For the next five years, this Yi Seong-jun will transform the Empire on a grand scale. I'll innovate the nation to the point where 'Yushin' becomes a byword. I'll protect the Great Korean Empire from the storms of the World War. Trust this man Yi Seong-jun just once."
This alone was a promise without falsehood.
Protecting the Empire was the same as protecting myself, so it couldn't be a lie.
Failing to innovate amid the World War's gales meant not surviving, so that too was true.
Right after the broadcast, I dispatched the Security Command to gauge the people's reactions.
The responses were mixed.
The urban middle class, who had placed hopes in me only to feel betrayed,
"Believe another military dictator? Yeah right."
The rural areas, steadily reaping the benefits of rural modernization,
"General Yi Seong-jun will take good care of us. Of course."
The urban poor,
"If the general says he'll change the country, we should give him a shot."
Expectations and doubts, goodwill and hostility, faith and mistrust intertwined.
But even a dictator couldn't easily win unanimous national support.
Even Russia's dictator Putin only got 70% approval from 140% of the population.
A seasoned 20-year veteran like Putin barely hit fifty percent; who was I to expect more?
I harbored no such delusions.
Just enough support to stably maintain the regime was sufficient.
From the start, my true base wasn't the people, but the military.
As long as I held the muzzles that created power and ensured they never turned on me, that level of control was enough.
"Your Excellency, you don't need to worry too much about the people's reactions. No matter how well you do, some will always be dissatisfied."
"Im-ja, I know that. By the way, it's about time you shed that uniform and entered the cabinet."
Kim Seong-ju was startled by my proposal.
"Me, sir?"
"Yes. How about I give you the Army Minister position?"
"Would I even dare accept that?"
The Army Minister was the top post in the previous military regime.
"If I'm telling you to do it, what does it matter? Will you take it, or not?"
"I will serve Your Excellency with utmost loyalty."
"Good."
I filled the military regime's key posts with my comrades from the previous revolution.
Such cronyism undermined meritocracy, but there was no choice.
To avoid coups, I had to use my close allies—what else could I do?
With these cabinet appointments, I signaled the start of our style—Yi Seong-jun style—democracy.