Chapter 45
Chapter 45
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Korean-Style Democracy (1)
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Italy was bungling one battle after another, but in August 1940, Korea remained as noisy and chaotic as ever.
“A butcher who killed twenty people for no reason is strutting around the streets. The public safety in this country of ours has hit rock bottom.”
“These are the end times. The twentieth century is the end times.”
Sudden major incidents were dominating the newspapers.
People were shifting their gaze from political issues to events that directly affected their daily lives.
The colony's focus had turned to a "war on crime."
Every day, I was publicizing the profiles of violent criminals being arrested.
"Now people will forget about the colony talk or Southeast Asia for a while."
"I hope you're right."
I didn't have high hopes for it.
The Empire of Korea's DNA was inherently geared toward militarism.
Even I, who needed to purge that poison, was allowing military culture like drills.
In this era where survival was the immediate task, there was no choice.
That aside, I intended to push forward with the modernization of the homeland without wavering.
This tractor that turned battlefields upside down was part of the homeland modernization project.
I toured the T-34 production line in collaboration with the Soviets and even touched the machinery.
It wasn't at the stage of full tank production yet, but overall, I got the impression that the factory was neatly prepared.
The factory manager said confidently.
“We plan to aim for 300 units per month starting in 1941.”
Per month, so 3,600 per year.
Considering the Soviet military's 1940 tank production, it was a substantial number.
Of course, it wasn't comparable to the Federation's wartime output.
In wartime, the Soviets were pumping out over 2,000 tanks a month.
Still, once we got the hang of it, we could catch up to a decent level.
“It's certainly an impressive tank.”
The generals accompanying me on the factory inspection marveled at the specs of the prototype T-34 sent by the Soviets, agreeing that this deal was a good one.
Going from a fake 37mm gun to a 76mm main gun, it was no wonder they were head over heels for the tank.
“Commander-in-Chief. We need to get these tanks into our armored units as soon as possible.”
I wanted that too, but with Hitler around, I wasn't sure if we'd have the luxury.
By the way, did this tank have two people in the turret?
I climbed into the prototype T-34.
I looked around inside a few times but couldn't get a feel for it, so I asked the Soviet engineer.
“It's a two-man setup, Commander-in-Chief.”
At the interpreter's words, I asked if it couldn't be modified to three-man.
In fact, Germany had proven that a five-man crew with three in the turret was the most ideal.
Knowing the right answer, why stick with the wrong four-man setup?
“It’s possible, but it would require redesigning, which would take a long time. We'll check with headquarters.”
Since it was a request from a "higher-up," the Soviets wouldn't ignore it outright.
Anyway, the T-34 tank was quite satisfactory.
There was a clear class difference between the Empire's "fake tanks" and a proper great power's tanks.
After finishing the tank factory inspection, the next stop was the countryside.
It was one of the "Yi Seong-jun Villages" experimentally established nationwide, testing rural modernization models.
“Oh my, a big shot has come.”
Most people didn't recognize my face.
Even with my portrait plastered everywhere, they tilted their heads wondering if it was really me.
The reason was this.
They had "touched up" the photos moderately to make a face fitting for a leader, creating a huge gap from the original.
Still, some recognized me.
They remembered my voice from the radio broadcasts.
“Could you be General Yi Seong-jun?”
“Yes.”
“Oh my, the highest authority in the country has come.”
Rural folk weren't completely out of touch with the world.
To them, a big shot was someone whose voice they heard often and who directly impacted their lives.
The sacred Emperor was a being above the clouds, and the Prime Minister had no presence.
So, to them, I was inevitably the highest authority.
“Haha. Treat me comfortably, sir.”
I deliberately greeted the farmers in a friendly manner.
I even took time to help pull weeds.
The farmers, who were initially overwhelmed, started treating me casually after a bit.
“Oh dear, how can we make the General do this kind of work.”
“No, no. This is national duty too.”
I sat with the farmers, shared a snack, and talked about current events.
While doing so, I checked the results of modernization.
Was the new paved road in the village good? Was the water supply working well? Had they neatly put slate roofs on the houses?
Every time I asked, the farmers expressed their gratitude.
“With the General caring like this, we're able to make a living.”
“And no other inconveniences?”
“Well, I wonder if I can mention this to the General.”
“I'm all ears.”
“It's nothing major, but we applied for cement to build a levee, and there's been no word from the county office. Is it okay to bring this up?”
“Of course. Absolutely.”
I resolved the cement issue right there.
I called the supply office on the radio and gave them a dressing-down on the spot.
When the farmers looked shocked, I said there was no need to panic—it was just punishing the "guilty party" sternly.
In truth, this was intentional.
Acting friendly with the farmers was to show humanity,
Scolding the supply officer was to remind them that I was still a power holder different from them.
In an authoritarian state, the leader must never let go of authority, no matter the situation.
The farmers were confused about how to treat me.
“Uh, General.”
“Speak freely.”
I dropped the stern expression from scolding the supply officer and smiled again.
Approachable and human, yet hard to deal with.
That was exactly the image I wanted to project to the Empire's people.
On the way back to Pyongyang after the schedule.
I asked Jeong Gil-i.
“You.”
“Yes, Commander-in-Chief.”
“In your view, is the task of homeland modernization going well?”
Jeong Gil-i answered without hesitation.
“Of course. Who on this land could achieve the feats you've accomplished, Commander-in-Chief?”
That's not true.
“Stalin would have done it better.”
“The Soviet General Secretary?”
“Yes.”
Stalin had honestly started modernization under tougher conditions than me.
His country was massive, but that wasn't entirely advantageous.
On the contrary, the size created side effects where state administration couldn't reach everywhere.
Stalin had pulled the serfs and workers from the old Tsarist Russian Empire of the nineteenth century into the twentieth in an instant.
From a modern perspective, incomprehensible barbaric customs, inadequate laws, complex regional interests, militarized cliques.
Stalin swept it all away at once.
There were enormous side effects, but he turned the Soviet Union into a proper great power in just over a decade.
Even accounting for the human butchery, he was one of the greatest figures in Russian history.
“But Commander-in-Chief. You haven't even been in power for three years. Isn't there a huge difference in time compared to Stalin?”
“True.”
If I had enough time for developmental dictatorship, I acknowledged I could leave achievements on par with Stalin.
Because I'm great?
No, because I know the future of industrialization.
‘Come to think of it, we do need a proper ideology.’
Until now, I'd led the country with vague authoritarianism justified by developmental dictatorship.
But to build a proper nation, we needed a clear ideology presenting the national ideal.
America had liberal democracy, the Soviets had communism.
So, what about us?
Just a hodgepodge authoritarian variant: Yi Seong-jun-ism, neither dictatorship, democracy, nor Juche thought.
Was Yi Seong-jun-ism even an ideology?
No one but our fake Huangdao faction friends would accept it.
We needed something more solid, easy to explain to others.
‘Democracy can't be abandoned in the end.’
I knew long-term that democracy would be the victorious ideology.
It was essential for the nation's vision.
But we couldn't switch to liberal democracy right away.
That's why we needed an intermediate step.
A tailor-made democracy based on the Empire of Korea's reality.
If we had to name it, a variant of democracy: "Korean-Style Democracy" or "Our-Style Democracy."
It was also the path shown by my senior in the Republic of Korea.
“You.”
“Yes, Commander-in-Chief.”
“When we get to Pyongyang, gather some constitutional scholars.”
“Constitutional scholars?”
“Yes.”
The reason for seeking constitutional scholars was simple.
To establish Our-Style Democracy ideology, we first needed to reshape the national framework closer to a democratic state.
Ultimately, to soft-land the authoritarian military government into civilian rule like Franco, we had to prepare the framework for transitioning to democracy.
Of course, in a form that didn't challenge my power.
I organized these ideas in my head.