Chapter 361
Chapter 361
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Regime Stability
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“We will begin the national land redevelopment project.”
To this end, we started with improvements to the key infrastructure.
Roads and railways would be expanded or put underground as needed, and convenience facilities would be refurbished as well.
In this process, land expropriation issues arose.
But what was the advantage of being a dictator?
In a word, it was power that didn’t have to worry about others’ opinions.
I wielded that power without restraint.
“Just bulldoze them.”
Half-hearted sit-ins couldn’t even survive in front of me.
What could they do when the state power was simply going to push through?
“Th-this is where we planted trees. You have to give us more compensation!”
“Funny talk. Who doesn’t know you planted them just a month ago?”
We didn’t give extra money even if they planted trees or whatever to get more compensation.
Such ruthless administration naturally created victims, but it was something we could accept.
‘Administration for everyone is impossible from the start.’
My approach to running the country was aligned with utilitarianism.
We bulldozed the land like a steamroller, then improved the infrastructure.
In this process, the government took most of the real estate profits that could be gained.
How?
“Ah, just expropriate the key land areas around the roads and railways.”
It was absurd, but we crushed any voices of opposition with force.
“You think infrastructure improvement costs fall from the sky?”
After roads and railways came ports and airports.
“Ports and airports are the face of the nation. A bad first impression means a bad national image.”
Major facility improvements were carried out at ports and airports as well.
This massive project instantly breathed life into an economy stagnant from high oil prices.
“Construction is Korea’s new engine for economic growth.”
Since the bill raising the minimum wage for foreign workers to 1.5 times had passed, most construction laborers were Korean.
Not only the lower classes but also college students jumped into part-time construction day labor in droves.
Korea’s economic growth forecast jumped from a 2.5% recovery trend to over 4%.
It was the effect of pouring in an overwhelming amount of money.
“The Korean economy is running again.”
The dynamism of the Korean economy was revived.
That’s what people said.
Of course, without continuously injecting money, it would be hard to maintain the upward momentum.
To inject more vitality into the economy, I took additional measures.
“We need the cooperation of the business community.”
When the economy shrank due to the panic and successive oil shocks, the chaebols closed their wallets.
They cut facility investments and reduced hiring.
But if everyone kept their wallets shut like that, we couldn’t revive the economy in one go.
“Minister, we want to, but it’s hard to open our wallets when the future is so uncertain.”
“Is that so?”
“Instead, we’ll increase the gifts we offer.”
Who would think I was poking them over a paltry sum?
I felt the need to show discipline to the business community, which mistakenly thought of itself as an equal ‘ally’.
“Put the antimonopoly law on the parliamentary agenda.”
“Yes?”
As soon as the Daehan Party submitted the antimonopoly law to the National Assembly, the business community came running.
“Minister, we’ll do as you say.”
People only listen when you swing the stick.
Why be stubborn when money doesn’t stand above power?
Their prosperity was something I had given them, after all.
The business community immediately expanded facility investments and hiring.
The construction boom and the chaebols’ expanded investments.
This pulled Korea’s growth rate up in one shot.
By December 1981, the economic research institute forecasted a 7% growth rate for the fourth quarter.
“Now we’re seeing some human-level growth.”
If the growth rate came out like this, even keeping the Third World in line was manageable.
“Without Korea, there’s no growth for us.”
The Third World countries sent friendly messages toward Pyongyang as if they’d never wavered.
There was no sign of complaints about the foreign worker minimum wage being 1.5 times higher.
As expected, when the economy was booming, everything was fine.
The high growth rate also translated into approval ratings.
39%.
Despite headwinds from tax system reforms and pension reforms, the approval rating approached 40%.
This was proof that the regime was stable.
“The problem is the presidential election, Minister.”
I thought so too.
We were still sticking to the Yushin system for now, but if we elected the president indirectly until the next election, the people would rise up.
The current Lee Seok-gyun regime faced relatively less resistance because it was a one-year provisional government.
“Any good ideas?”
“If you think about it, the answer is to amend the constitution to a parliamentary cabinet system, like when Prime Minister Lee Sung-jun ruled.”
The issue was control over government affairs under a parliamentary cabinet system.
In a parliamentary cabinet system, just a few MPs changing their minds could shake the entire political landscape.
For someone like me, without the absolute dominance of the Lee Sung-jun era, it was a bridge too far to cross lightly.
“The parliamentary cabinet system doesn’t appeal to me.”
“Then how about a French-style constitutional amendment?”
“France?”
“In France, the president serves for 7 years. Wouldn’t that reduce election pressure while allowing stable rule?”
It wasn’t wrong.
Seven years.
“Then let’s prepare it the French way.”
But with the condition of allowing re-election.
“We’ll get it ready.”
While the constitutional amendment was being prepared, I didn’t just sit idle.
I met with power brokers in politics and the bureaucracy to seek their understanding for this amendment.
Of course, I bought their understanding with money.
There was no real need to get their buy-in, but to smooth things over, this lubrication process was necessary.
“If the Minister says it’s needed for the country, how could we oppose? We’ll gladly join.”
I didn’t need to seek understanding from my own aides.
“Why not just take power this time?”
No, that wouldn’t do.
“Do you say that knowing how bad my popularity is?”
Puppet Lee Seok-gyun’s popularity was decent, but Bae Sung-jun’s reputation was the worst.
If I ran for president, my approval might hit single digits.
“Still, it’s a shame.”
I comforted such aides.
“You guys. Do I have to sit in the president’s chair? Even without a business card, I’m the top power holder in this country. That’s enough—what more greed is there?”
I soothed my aides and instructed them to prepare for the election.
In December, we introduced a new constitutional amendment bill in the National Assembly.
“We will elect the president by direct popular vote instead of indirect election.”
“Yes?”
But there was a condition.
Presidential candidates had to be at least 40 years old.
This was a blocking clause aimed at Lee Se-eun.
“The young lady can’t run for president?”
There were voices of opposition to this.
“That clause was in the pre-Yushin constitution. Why get mad over something like that?”
The opposition party readily accepted our blocking clause.
“It benefits us if Lee Se-eun doesn’t run.”
“Of course. If she runs, we’re done for anyway.”
We drove our strong rival Lee Se-eun out of the election race while sowing division in the opposition camp.
“Congressman, just run and finish the race this time, and we’ll fill your campaign funds generously.”
“More importantly, you have to keep your promise to bury my weaknesses.”
“Of course.”
We egged on prominent opposition MPs to run.
“Congressman Lee, just do the primaries moderately and concede gracefully.”
“Ah, that’s your thought.”
The MPs we encouraged ran to the end of the primaries, continuing smear campaigns against each other.
We broadcast that mudslinging fight live on TV.
“Ugh, is the New Democratic Party really an alternative? Might as well go with the Daehan Party guys who at least know how to revive the economy.”
“Even so, the Daehan Party? Those are Bae Sung-jun’s lackeys!”
Public opinion split in two.
The Daehan Party, which at least seemed to get things done.
No matter what, the damn Daehan Party was unacceptable.
Amid these crossed gazes, the presidential race began.
“Minister, how shall we handle the funds for this? The amount is so large it’s hard to move in boxes.”
“Then receive it by the carload.”
Car bribes would do.
It was a bit sleazy, but unavoidable.
You can’t win an election without money.
I made sure the car bribe process had double verification to avoid mistakes.
The money from businesses came to 100 million won.
I allocated this money mainly to organizational votes.
“Make sure even the elders get a bowl of rice or a glass of makgeolli.”
“Put up placards during food distribution so everyone knows it’s sponsored by our party.”
The candidate’s competitiveness didn’t matter.
With money, even a losing election could be turned into a win.
Over the 60-day election period from January to February, we poured astronomical sums of money.
After spending 100 million, we dipped into the party’s reserve fund of 15 million won.
The result of spending money so lavishly?
“Candidate Lee Seok-gyun elected!”
The vote share was 46.93%.
It greatly exceeded the second-place candidate’s 41.6%, but for us, it was a pretty close election.
Even using smear campaigns and every dirty trick, barely winning like this showed we couldn’t beat the opposition fairly.
‘For the next 7 years, there’s a lot to do to win the people’s support.’
Watching Lee Seok-gyun smiling on TV with a flower necklace draped around his neck, I began pondering how to lead this country forward.