Chapter 362
Translator: crow
Chapter Title: The Completion of the Dictatorship
As Korea's supreme leader, Bae Sung-jun faced two major tasks.
Surpassing the United States and establishing democracy.
Neither was easy to achieve on its own, and the two goals were fundamentally at odds.
To overtake America, he had to maximize the strengths of a dictatorship, which inevitably meant undermining democracy.
On the other hand, pushing for democratization would force him to relinquish power before he could even catch up.
I had to reconcile these conflicting objectives and position Korea as the victor in both politics and diplomacy.
*This won't be easy.*
But it had to be done.
Failure meant no bright future for this country.
A top-ranked dictatorship overshadowed by America, declining slowly like a second-place democratic China.
Neither path was the tomorrow I envisioned for the Republic of Korea.
*The Republic must be the winner.*
To achieve this, I needed to carefully manage the timeline.
That meant probing the democracy side first.
*Shall I meet our princess first?*
I decided to meet Yi Se-eun, the standard-bearer of democracy.
The meeting with Yi Se-eun took place at the Geumsu Mountain Agency headquarters.
Even as she entered the Agency's main building, Yi Se-eun showed no sign of intimidation.
I greeted her courteously.
"Thank you for accepting my invitation, miss."
Se-eun, whom I hadn't seen in a while, still radiated the fresh vibrancy of youth.
She immediately corrected my form of address.
"Yi Se-eun."
"Pardon?"
"Not 'miss'—call me Yi Se-eun, Director."
She was saying she was here as the politician Yi Se-eun, not as Yi Seong-jun's daughter.
"My apologies. Ms. Se-eun."
I offered her a seat and sat across from her.
An aura that couldn't be sensed on TV.
Se-eun possessed something that leaders naturally exuded.
Her eyes especially.
"What would you like to drink?"
"I don't want anything here."
Se-eun made no effort to hide her hostility toward the Agency.
Of course, we weren't the type to laugh and chat amiably.
She might have been my daughter in a past life, but now we were clear political enemies.
I reined in my slightly lighthearted mood.
I reminded myself that I was dealing with an adversary, not my daughter.
"Then let's get to business."
"Please do."
"Regarding the students arrested in the recent protests, we'll release them all."
Se-eun looked slightly surprised but quickly regained her composure.
"What's the condition?"
This question made me realize Se-eun had fully become a politician.
"A condition? Nothing major. Just halt the anti-regime protests. Not forever, of course—just until this spring."
Se-eun asked with a blank expression at my demand.
"I'd like to know the reason."
"Nothing grand. An important guest from the Soviet Union is coming, and I don't want the place reeking of tear gas."
In truth, having the KGB chief smell tear gas wouldn't exactly shame me.
Those guys were the type to crush protesters with tanks.
Tear gas was nothing by comparison.
It was just an excuse to placate Yi Se-eun.
Se-eun pondered my proposal for a moment.
Would she accept?
Or refuse?
I planned to gauge her limits—how far she could compromise and how far she could act—through this test.
Her deliberation didn't last long.
"I'll accept the Director's condition."
She prioritized the students over political gain.
This showed Se-eun was no ruthless operator.
"Very well."
That concluded the discussion.
As Se-eun rose to leave, I extended my hand.
"What does this mean?"
"It means let's get along from here on out—what else?"
Se-eun's face soured.
"We're not the type to shake hands and smile, are we?"
She had a point.
Which made it all the more regrettable.
*'In politics, you have to smile at your enemies until the moment you stab them in the chest.'*
Of course, she might be acting this way precisely because she knew the Agency wouldn't let its guard down.
Once Yi Se-eun had left, the head of the Public Security Investigation Office spoke cautiously.
"Director."
"Speak."
"Was there a specific reason to release the students this time?"
"There was."
I had a surface-level justification ready for my subordinates.
"Press down on a pressure cooker too long, and it blows up like a bomb. Sometimes you have to let off steam to prevent an explosion."
"But releasing the students might be seen as a sign of weakness, risking more aggressive protests."
That risk wasn't zero.
In fact, it was quite possible.
"I've accounted for that. Follow my orders."
"Understood."
As agreed with Yi Se-eun, I released the students.
And I monitored her movements.
I even had slight expectations about how she'd use our deal.
But Se-eun downplayed her role entirely regarding the students' release.
Why?
I thought about it.
The answer came quickly.
*She considered friction with the opposition.*
If Yi Se-eun tried to claim credit for the releases when opposition politicians insisted it was theirs.
It would devolve into an ugly mudslinging match.
Se-eun had wisely stepped back to avoid that.
A soft-hearted type willing to sacrifice.
Given this trait, Se-eun could never be the superhuman leader Koreans craved.
In some ways, she was the polar opposite of Yi Seong-jun as a politician.
*Realizing that makes me a bit regretful.*
If Se-eun had been a bit more ruthless and cunning, I would've had to govern with greater tension.
Then again, she never would have become democracy's champion if she were.
Confirming no wild cards, I organized my thoughts on how to use her going forward.
Raise my daughter just enough to serve as democracy's umbrella while strengthening the dictatorship.
With my thinking sorted, it was time for action.
The keyword for bolstering dictatorship.
The easiest was cult of personality, but I dismissed that outright.
"Then daily wage politics?"
Strengthen power with money.
Tempting, but it would rot the country even more.
"The answer's simple, isn't it?"
Like Roman emperors, I reinforced the dictatorship by stacking titles.
Director of the Agency, Minister of Intelligence, Minister of Defense, Minister of the Interior.
I solidified my position as the supreme wielder of intelligence, military, and security.
"Isn't he Hitler or something? Stacking all those titles?"
Title stacking was common even in modern states.
The prime example was the Soviet Union.
"Over there, two or three titles are standard."
The advantage was its intuitive display of power.
"So Bae Sung-jun holds military, intelligence, and security all in one hand?"
"Can't you tell from the titles?"
People judged my power by the visible titles.
The greater my perceived power, the mightier Bae Sung-jun seemed.
"Bae Sung-jun is seriously formidable."
Of course, monopolizing positions alone wouldn't cement the dictatorship.
I dramatically promoted subordinates from the intelligence apparatus.
"Deputy Director Ki, you're Minister of Defense starting today."
"An honor, Director."
Such promotions brought backlash.
"Isn't that guy just a parachute drop?"
"How does it make sense to drop an ignoramus into vice minister?"
That was the existing bureaucrats' gripe.
But it didn't matter.
Dictatorships prioritized loyalty over competence.
*'An untrustworthy genius is worse than a reliable fool.'*
Why?
Because they can threaten the regime from within.
Hadn't I done exactly that?
I deployed my loyalists across ministries, imprinting the dictatorship's color strongly.
The effects of these personnel shifts and title stacking showed immediately.
"Cabinet meetings? We align everything in backroom huddles first—it's smooth sailing."
My intentions became policy with drastically shortened delays.
Parliamentary approval took time, but that would resolve soon.
"Kidnapping lawmakers? That's Korea's unique tradition."
I shook not just the Grand Governance Council but the New Democratic Party too.
"Hey, you're saying the Daehan Party wants me, an opposition lawmaker?"
"Ah, what does ideology matter in Daehan? We've got leftists and rightists. Time for you to swim in the big pond, Representative."
Using threats, bribes, and more, I poached opposition lawmakers.
The New Democratic Party was powerless against it.
"I only joined the New Democrats because I had no shot at the ruling party. You think I'm crazy enough to stay in opposition?"
Barring the ideologues, many flipped to Daehan Party like bats.
"We'll guarantee faction boss seats. Bring your crew—we'll nominate you later."
Ideology's lack of barriers helped immensely.
Months later, Daehan Party seats surpassed 300.
The Grand Governance Council effectively dissolved, and the New Democratic Party lost many lawmakers.
"Down with Bae Sung-jun's dictatorship! Down with it!"
The opposition shouted against the dictatorship as best they could, but it was futile.
No matter how they screamed themselves hoarse, nothing changed.
I—and the dictatorship—had already won.