Chapter 360
Chapter 360
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Recovery
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Unpopular policies, an illegitimate position that could never win public favor.
I was a ruler who couldn't expect the people's love.
But that didn't matter.
I wasn't the type to get hung up on such things.
'Popularity is just a fleeting, worthless thing anyway.'
I flipped through the documents quickly.
Of course, I couldn't just let my falling popularity slide.
Even a dictator ruling like a lone general needed at least a baseline of support to govern.
'Time to start that.'
The war on crime.
It was an old trick, but still effective.
And as a bonus, I could take out the lawmakers connected to organized gangs.
Not bad, right?
I summoned the heads of the prosecutors and police and ordered them to prepare for "War on Crime, Season 2."
"A-are you saying to round them all up?"
"Clean out the underworld completely. Make sure not even the letter 'b' in 'crime' is heard."
In truth, from the Kim Jeong-gil era through Jang Dong-yun's time, the police had focused more on suppressing protests than crushing criminal organizations.
In that shadow, the gangs had grown massively, bold enough to poke their heads into the sunlight.
Construction subcontracting was one of the fields they mainly infiltrated.
I ordered them to smash every gang that had surfaced.
"Round them all up."
The operation drew on intelligence from Military Intelligence and the Agency for National Security Planning too.
"That'll leave domestic surveillance a bit neglected."
"Keep only the resources on the generals and redirect the rest."
I threw everything into this crime purge.
The news reported daily: how many criminals arrested, how many ordinary people victimized.
"Ugh, no wonder the thugs ran wild—with opposition lawmakers covering for them."
Of course, it didn't hurt to splash some filth on the opposition.
"Bae Sung-jun's ruthless, but damn if he doesn't handle this well."
The bulldozer-style efficiency unique to dictators.
People cursed me but praised the war on crime.
"Watching this makes me think of His Excellency Lee Sung-jun."
Naturally, it was a ploy to evoke nostalgia for Lee Sung-jun too.
The massive dragnet raids had a huge impact.
"Everyone, go underground! Getting spotted by the cops now is game over."
Criminals were either arrested or fled overseas in a hurry.
Places like Huabuk or Japan were popular escapes, but even those weren't safe.
"You think Korean police can't reach there?"
Through cooperation with the EA, we dispatched police to neighboring countries.
Driven into corners, the criminals mostly fled to the Philippines.
"What about Vietnam or the Republic of China?"
The first was socialist; the latter had an extradition treaty with Korea.
"That's why the Philippines."
"Yeah?"
Korea signed an extradition treaty with the Philippines too.
"They just didn't bother using it—didn't think we'd do it forever."
It took less than two months to uproot Korea's major crime syndicates.
I touted the results as the regime's achievement.
"An orderly Korea with Lee Seok-gyun. We'll run toward the day we become the world's top in public safety."
Of course, the war on crime alone couldn't fully recover my popularity.
I needed a few crowd-pleasing policies too.
So I rolled out the "permanent societal isolation of violent offenders with five or more prior convictions."
"Pardon? Kicking repeat offenders with five serious priors out of society? That won't rehabilitate them."
The Justice Ministry seemed stunned, as if the state was abandoning criminals.
"Releasing recidivists just means more crimes. Better for the state to confine them in designated zones."
Public opinion cheered the plausible logic for isolating repeat offenders.
"Well, dogs don't stop shitting. You expect criminals to?"
Punishment for recidivists didn't end at isolation.
"From now on, their residence will be remote salt farms on outlying islands."
"Uh. Right."
"Have them earn their keep with that."
It was harsh penal policy unthinkable in a democracy.
But I believed it necessary.
"To keep policy momentum, you need some crowd-pleasers."
Harsh treatment of criminals was the means to that end.
Next after criminal isolation came the "disabled employment policy."
"Subsidies for companies hiring the disabled."
That all?
Of course not.
"We'll also cover costs to create workplaces suited for the disabled."
We subsidized companies for building disabled-friendly environments too.
"We've done this for you, so you're proper contributing members of society now. Pay your taxes."
The disabled were happier about being able to work than paying taxes.
While rolling out popular policies, I checked public sentiment via the Agency for National Security Planning.
"Sentiment's still against us."
I hadn't expected overnight change.
Who'd like me after messing with pensions and taxes?
I decided to unveil more popularity-boosting policies.
"In the end, what hits people directly is money."
"You mean?"
"Allow real estate investment."
Banning it forever was impossible anyway.
I planned to buy public favor with rising home prices.
"That'll burden future generations who can't afford homes long-term."
"I know."
So we bolstered the existing rental housing policy.
"Supply 90% of new housing as city or national rental units?"
It mimicked Vienna's housing policy.
"That should handle housing issues decently."
Excessive real estate investment too.
With rentals locking up most demand, land price surges would have limits.
"How will you cover the costs?"
I had that figured.
"Tap the Korea Petroleum Corporation's oil revenues."
They were raking in piles from high oil prices.
Use that to fund the Housing Corporation's purchases.
The national wealth fund would shrink a bit, but it was worth it.
An investment in regime popularity demanded no less.
My decision went from presidential office to legislation swiftly.
"No need to worry about expensive homes anymore. Housing issues—Korea Housing Corporation has you covered."
We placed massive apartment orders with conglomerates.
"Supplying rental housing? What's the eligibility?"
"Limited to local residents."
For the rental push, we didn't rely only on new orders.
We scooped up huge stocks of unsold units too.
After this mass buy-up, we declared real estate market liberalization.
Market reactions were mixed.
"Supplying millions of rentals? Real estate won't rise much."
"No better investment than real estate. It'll climb soon. Where else is property this undervalued like in Korea?"
Soon, prices twitched upward.
The rise wasn't huge, though.
The government's pledged 5 million rental units held it back.
And it wasn't one-off.
I announced plans for 2 million more units annually.
"Prices won't surge much, so people might not love it."
"I know."
Still, people remember money they make.
That's human psychology.
Popularity soon recovered post-real estate policy.
Analysis showed middle-class defections halting, with farmer and poor support rising.
The wealthy backed me from the start anyway.
'With this, combining Yuhyeok Association votes should let us roll the regime decently.'
Support at 30%.
That plus Yuhyeok shares would stabilize politics.
"That's Yushin dictatorship."
True.
But we needed to carry the Yuhyeok Association until the regime stabilized.
'It's because of Yuhyeok that we can push unpopular stuff like tax reform.'
That was Yushin dictatorship's real perk.
"Director, the current setup's still shaky."
As Planning and Judgment Office Director Ki Myeong-su analyzed.
To stabilize, we needed a bit more popularity.
'Ways to boost popularity.'
I'd played most cards.
After a moment's thought, I hit on a good one.
"Abolish conscription."
"Pardon?"
In practice, Korea's military was already near-volunteer.
Conscripts served six months, contributing maybe four effectively before discharge.
The core was volunteer officers, NCOs, and paid soldiers.
Yet Korea stuck to conscription for one simple reason.
"To maintain massive reserves, you need lots who've had basic training."
That reserve force rated Korean ground forces second-largest globally.
But times had changed.
No need for headcount-heavy reserves slow to mobilize.
'The Soviets aren't enemies anymore.'
The president parroted my agenda at the cabinet meeting like my mouthpiece.
"We should switch to efficient volunteers like America."
"But sir, abolishing conscription shrinks our forces."
"Is that a problem?"
"Your Excellency, military service isn't something to change lightly."
The president barked at the minister.
"How long will our society exploit youth cheaply? World's richest nation, and no shame?"
"B-but, Your Excellency."
"No signature from you. Come sign here."
The defense minister, cowed, signed before Lee Seok-gyun.
I staged the scene for TV.
Lee Seok-gyun's outburst reached the public as the president's.
Regime popularity began recovering even among elders.
Support at 35%.
For governing, that was plenty.
No need for more.
For now.
I stubbed out the smoldering cigarette butt atop the 35% figure.