Chapter 90
Chapter 90
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 90
Chapter Title: The Fate of Poland (3)
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I had approached the British with some expectation, but when I informed them that the Soviets seemed poised to withdraw their troops from Finland and invade Poland, they scrambled to offer their mediation for talks.
They had been enjoying the spectacle of Europe tearing itself apart, but if the Soviet Union were to devour Poland, the Conservative Party would face repercussions far worse than the fallout from the Munich Agreement. They could no longer afford to be mere bystanders.
For once, that damn Britain was being more cooperative than expected, but it was the Poles who seemed to be testing the limits of our patience.
Did they really think Germany had no interest in Poland's internal affairs?
Their chief negotiator for the peace talks was the puppet Prime Minister Składkowski, and the military representative was none other than Lieutenant General Sikorski, a man they had already stripped of all real power.
On top of that, they wanted to hold the talks in Warsaw. Wasn't that just another way of saying they wanted to throw a few token scapegoats at us and dictate the terms of peace to their liking?
So, I requested that Hungary, a third party with decent public sentiment toward both Germany and Poland, provide a venue for the talks, and they readily agreed.
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March 1, 1940
Budapest, the capital of Hungary
“A pleasure to meet you. I am Dietrich Schacht, Vice-Chancellor and the representative for Germany. The journey must have been quite arduous, wasn't it?”
I offered a handshake with a deliberate smile. Prime Minister Składkowski flinched at my words but accepted the handshake. It was astounding how difficult this Poland made it to send a delegation to a neighboring country.
“...A pleasure. I am Felician Sławoj Składkowski, Prime Minister and representative of Poland.”
When we proposed negotiating in Hungary instead of Warsaw, Poland had initially refused. They only relented and came to Hungary after we threatened to send the Luftwaffe instead of a negotiating team to Warsaw.
They must have known by now that Soviet troops were beginning to mass on their eastern border. What on earth were the leaders of a nation thinking at a time when every second counted?
It might not have been the fault of a prime minister sent here to take the fall, but by the time we got here, not just our military but I, too, had lost any inclination to treat Poland with leniency.
“Lieutenant General Władysław Sikorski, of the Polish Army.”
So, this was Lieutenant General Sikorski. A middle-aged man with a dignified charisma and a mustache.
Honestly, all I knew of interwar Poland from the original history was that it had been prey for the Nazis and the Soviets, and that they were reckless fools who deserved it.
But the Abwehr had done its best to investigate key Polish figures, so I was aware that this man commanded significant support from both the civilian populace and the military within Poland.
Among the generals of Poland's military dictatorship, he was one of the more reasonable ones, having served as both Chief of the General Staff and Prime Minister. Now, however, he was treated like an old man put out to pasture.
If his circumstances were different, I might have found him agreeable, but this was a surrender negotiation. In the end, he was a Polish patriot, and I had to represent Germany's interests. That was our limit.
“A pleasure to meet you, Lieutenant General Sikorski. I am Dietrich Schacht, the Vice-Chancellor.”
We shook hands stiffly and took our respective seats.
From Poland, there was Prime Minister Składkowski and Lieutenant General Sikorski. From our side, myself as Vice-Chancellor and Foreign Minister Weizsäcker. The British mediator was Foreign Secretary Alexander Cadogan.
“Let us begin the conference.”
With the declaration from Hungarian Prime Minister Pál Teleki, who had provided the venue, the talks began. Though I wondered if it could truly be called a conference.
“Our demands are as follows.”
Prime Minister Składkowski’s body trembled as he read the paper Weizsäcker had handed him.
“You demand the cession of Gdańsk and Poznań, and reparations amounting to ten billion marks?”
“Payable in installments over ten years,” Weizsäcker added, but it did nothing to smooth the Prime Minister's expression.
“Isn't this too humiliating and harsh? You're placing all the blame for the war's damages on Poland?”
Considering the Treaty of Versailles, I thought these terms were quite generous. What kind of romanticized ceasefire negotiation had they been expecting?
“Germany didn't start this war, so naturally, Poland must bear the damages.”
“This is an absurd demand. Didn't Germany request these peace talks because the Soviet Union is moving against us?”
He knew it well, even though we hadn't mentioned it. As Weizsäcker and Składkowski argued, the British Foreign Secretary, Alexander Cadogan, intervened.
“Gentlemen, please, let's remain calm. While the responsibility for this war does lie with Poland, with the Soviet threat looming, wouldn't such heavy reparations be too great a burden for them?”
Britain wanted to keep Poland breathing at all costs, so their position was to salvage Germany's pride while securing lenient terms for Poland.
Ironically, up until now, we had been the ones trying to placate and entice Britain with carrots. But here, at this table, it was Britain that had to soothe and humor us.
It was strangely thrilling. I think I was starting to understand the sensibilities of those damned imperialists.
“Ah, of course, we do not wish for Poland to be helplessly destroyed by the Soviets. In that case, if paying reparations is difficult, what can Poland offer Germany instead?”
I, who had been silent until now, posed the question. Składkowski’s shoulders slumped. What kind of nonsense had they been fed back in their home country to elicit such a reaction?
“Let's review the facts. Danzig and Posen were originally territories of the Second Reich. The same goes for Katowice, which Poland currently holds, but we can let that slide for now, as it was a matter adjudicated by the League of Nations.”
Składkowski's face contorted as I spoke, but I was in neither the position nor the mood to care about his feelings.
“In the end, what Poland did was launch a surprise attack on Germany while it was engaged in a civil war because you disliked the prospect of war with your country, causing countless casualties. And the price for that is merely the return of what was originally German land? For the sake of the blood shed by Germans, there must be something more. If you have no intention of giving anything, why did you even come here?”
My reason for trying to keep Poland alive through these peace talks wasn't some great consideration for them. It was because doing so was advantageous for Germany.
Those bastards had invaded and drained Germany's national strength, so my intention was for them to chip away at the Soviet Union's strength and buy us a little time. I was by no means here as a representative of humanitarianism.
Therefore, I had no intention of angering the German military and public by ending the negotiations with just two territories returned, all in a flimsy attempt to maintain relations with Poland.
“P-Please, give us some time to consult with our government.”
The words that finally came from Prime Minister Składkowski’s mouth were enough to deflate us all.
“Forgive me for asking, but do you, Prime Minister, have any decision-making authority in these peace negotiations?”
The question came not from me, but from the British Foreign Secretary, Alexander Cadogan.
“...If you could just give us a moment, I will consult with my government.”
The Prime Minister never gave a direct answer. And so, with Soviet troops deploying on the border, our first meeting ended absurdly, postponed until the next day.
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The prime minister sent as a representative for surrender negotiations had no authority? It was so absurd it bordered on infuriating. Nevertheless, as soon as the meeting ended, I was meeting with the Hungarian Prime Minister, Pál Teleki.
“Thank you for your time, Vice-Chancellor.”
“Not at all, Prime Minister. The success of these talks is thanks to Hungary's cooperation.”
Although Hungary had adopted a stance close to pro-German neutrality since my last meeting with Regent Horthy, I was grateful they had agreed so readily and without much deliberation, allowing for swift talks.
The problem was that the other party in those talks was wasting time, and now Hungary, for reasons of its own, had requested a secret meeting with me.
Pál Teleki hesitated for a moment before asking cautiously.
“This is an unofficial question, strictly for you 'personally,' Vice-Chancellor, but do you wish for Poland's destruction?”
*What is this about?* I thought, looking at him, but the Hungarian Prime Minister simply stared back at me, his expression unreadable.
“I don't see what's so important about my personal opinion, but no, I do not wish for Poland's destruction.”
Upon hearing my answer, Teleki seemed to ponder for a moment before speaking again.
“I see. However, looking at Germany's demands, it seemed as if you wouldn't mind if Poland were to be destroyed.”
Well, I didn't actually expect Poland to accept all those conditions, but I couldn't just let them off the hook either.
“Not wishing for Poland's destruction and simply letting the damages Germany suffered slide are two different matters, wouldn't you agree?”
So this was it. After framing the question as a personal one, he was just looking out for his own. Charity begins at home, I suppose.
Although Hungary had sided with Germany over Poland this once, as Poland's traditional ally, their position was bound to be different from ours.
“From Hungary's perspective, you would want Poland to remain as an ally and a buffer against the Soviet Union. I felt the same. I had hoped Poland could be an ally to Germany, a buffer against the Soviets, but it was their militarists who attacked us, so they must pay the price.”
In any case, once we took the Danzig Corridor and Posen, it would be difficult to establish friendly relations with Poland in the short term. If such a thing were possible, it would be in Poland's hands, not Germany's.
But with Poland ruled by that military junta and the Sejm? A honeymoon between Hitler and Stalin seemed more likely. I had no intention of engaging in charitable diplomacy based on pointless hope.
Pál Teleki let out a small sigh, his expression shifting as he spoke.
“I see. In that case, what follows is unofficial, but it is a message from the Hungarian government to the Fourth Reich.”
Well, he hadn't called me here for riddles, after all.
“Please, speak.”
“In the event that the Soviet Union pressures Romania from the east, we intend to pressure Romania at that time to reclaim Transylvania.”
An involuntary look of distaste crossed my face. I understood Hungary's grievances and national outrage, but did they really have to do this now, in these already chaotic times?
“I want to make it clear that the policy of our government and His Highness the Regent is staunchly anti-communist. We have no intention of ever siding with the Soviet Union. Hungary will not rashly intervene in the war, but if we must choose a side, it will be the one that stands against the Soviet threat.”
Ah, I see. So they would temporarily side with the Soviets, but they weren't planning on antagonizing Germany. They wanted us to turn a blind eye.
“Of course, considering Hungary's situation, I understand the motive, but frankly, it's not exactly pleasant to hear.”
Romania might be ailing thanks to its disastrous king, Carol II, but it was still a nation of considerable size in Eastern Europe.
With the Soviet threat looming from the east, they wanted to tear apart Romania, a potential ally? What kind of mess was this?
Moreover, Carol II was from the House of Hohenzollern. A different Swabian branch from the Franconian German imperial family, but a Hohenzollern nonetheless. They were asking Germany to turn a blind eye to an attack on a Hohenzollern. Honestly, this was beyond what I could decide on a whim.
“Of course, our government and His Highness the Regent are aware of Germany's position. That is why we wish to make you a corresponding offer.”
“A corresponding offer...”
At this point, I had no idea what to expect. As I wore an ambiguous expression, Pál Teleki gave me a slight bow.
“First, I must ask for your understanding, Vice-Chancellor. It seems I have committed a discourtesy to arrange this meeting.”
“Pardon?”
Pál Teleki walked not to the door we had entered through, but to another door on the side of the room and knocked.
A moment later, the man who had been almost completely silent during the earlier meeting, Poland's Lieutenant General Władysław Sikorski, walked in.
As I stood there, my mouth agape in bewilderment, Lieutenant General Sikorski offered a crisp salute and spoke.
“We meet again, Vice-Chancellor Dietrich Schacht. Please forgive my rudeness. I was waiting in the next room, but I did not eavesdrop on your conversation.”
What was I supposed to say to this? The situation was baffling, and it wouldn't be strange if I got angry, but he was being so exceedingly polite to me, a much younger man, that I couldn't bring myself to be angry.
I turned my gaze to Prime Minister Teleki, who also gave a slight bow. *Ah, this is driving me crazy.* I really didn't appreciate these unexpected developments.
So the earlier meeting was just for show, and this was the real deal? It was too late to regret not bringing Minister Weizsäcker with me.
I finally let out a sigh and spoke.
“A pleasure to see you again, Lieutenant General. You were so passive in the meeting just now; it's a novel delight to meet you in secret like this.”
Lieutenant General Sikorski showed no reaction to my overtly sarcastic words. He approached, sat in a chair that had already been prepared, and apologized once more.
“I apologize again. Due to the current situation in Poland, I had no choice but to resort to this method.”
Well, I had a rough idea of his predicament, so it wasn't that I didn't understand, but that was that, and I still didn't feel good about it.
“Well, very well. Then let's hear what you have to say that was so important you had to meet me in secret like this.”
At my words, Sikorski looked at me with heavy eyes and slowly began to speak.
“Please ensure these peace negotiations fail.”
...What did you just say?