Chapter 91
Chapter 91
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 91
Chapter Title: World War II - The Fate of Poland (4)
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March 1, 1940
Budapest, the capital of Hungary
“Please, ensure these peace negotiations fail.”
The words that left Lieutenant General Sikorski’s lips were far beyond anything I had anticipated. My brain, which had been working furiously to predict what he might say, ground to a halt.
Fail the peace talks? What in the world was he talking about? Did he want to be torn in half by Germany and the Soviet Union?
Could the intelligence the Abwehr provided have been wrong? Was this man actually the craziest of them all? It was foreign intelligence, after all; mistakes were possible.
My expression must have been quite telling, as Lieutenant General Sikorski began to explain calmly.
“The current ruler of Poland, Rydz-Śmigły, his supporters in the Sanacja, and the Sejm are more concerned with protecting their own political careers than the fate of Poland.”
“I can see that from their attitude in the peace talks alone, but I still don’t understand why you would want the negotiations to fail. If you care for your country, you must know that the failure of these talks would lead to Poland’s immediate destruction.”
Sikorski remained unshaken by my words.
“That is precisely why, Vice-Chancellor. They are wasting time with pointless arguments, trying to negotiate slightly better terms while a Soviet invasion is being prepared. If this drags on, Poland will have a ceasefire with Germany but will be completely unprepared for the Soviet invasion.”
“Then, what is it that you intend to do, General?”
I had a rough idea, but I wanted to hear it from his own mouth.
“They believe they can evade responsibility, but the soldiers on the front lines and the people are different. Everyone knows who started this war, and they are worried that because of them, we will be destroyed by either Germany or the Soviet Union.”
Lieutenant General Sikorski paused, seeming to choose his words as he looked at me, then spoke.
“Warsaw is nearly empty right now. Most of our forces have been concentrated on the German front, and the very last of our reserves have been deployed to the Soviet border. Therefore, if we can instill a sense of crisis in the people of Warsaw—that Poland will be destroyed because of those men—we can drive out those militarists.”
Choosing an extreme measure to end a war that would lead the nation to ruin. This was exactly like the Black Orchestra from my original history. A bitter smile crept onto my face. What an irony of history.
“I see what you’re planning. You intend to use the crisis sparked by the failure of the peace talks to stage a coup....”
So that was why he was so insistent on speaking to me. In his eyes, I was someone who had already ousted Hitler in a similar fashion.
“But it’s not that simple. You must be aware that Britain has a keen interest in these peace talks. If we are the ones to break them off, Britain will hardly be pleased, will they?”
For now, of course, Britain wants to persuade us, to humor us, and if necessary, to give us some scraps to end the war between us and Poland.
But that was only because they were in a tight spot. There was nothing to be gained from us outright sabotaging the negotiations and screwing Britain over.
We weren't Hitler. When the other side was being cooperative, we needed to respond in kind to ensure such opportunities would arise in the future.
“Besides, if the peace talks fail, our military will immediately resume the attack. I understand you want to oust the militarists, but you haven’t forgotten that we are in the middle of a war, have you?”
I drove the point home, looking at Sikorski, who was watching me with a stern expression.
“So, if we are to go through the trouble of coordinating with Britain and our own military to wait for a regime change in your country, surely we must gain something from it as well, mustn’t we?”
I knew full well that for the sake of Poland’s future, the cancerous militarists and the Sejm needed to be restrained, but from Germany’s perspective, it was not our concern.
To put it bluntly, if Poland was going to remain an enemy of Germany anyway, it didn’t matter which regime was in power in a country that would eventually be destroyed by the Soviets after buying as much time as possible. In fact, if the coup failed and a civil war broke out, Poland would fall even faster.
I felt sorry for Poland, about to be invaded by the Soviets, but in the end, it was their own people who allowed such a regime to take power, and it was they who attacked us. I couldn't harm Germany for their sake, could I?
“That is precisely why I have come here myself, to discuss this with Germany beforehand.”
Sikorski continued speaking naturally, as if he had expected my negative response.
“First, after the regime change, we will hand over the instigators of this war to be tried and punished in German war crime tribunals.”
“...Hah.”
Well, what do you know? I thought he was a moderate, but I guess not. Still, this was certainly effective. Trying and punishing the leaders of an enemy nation who started a war and caused bloodshed in a German court would bring considerable satisfaction to the German military and its people.
“Second, we will return the government’s authority to the lower house, as it was before Piłsudski’s coup. We intend to revive democracy in Poland.”
This was also plausible. Rebuilding democracy in Poland would be a good achievement for both us and Britain to use for propaganda.
“Hmm. Those are certainly tempting conditions, but in the end, there’s no material gain, is there?”
I felt a bit like I was being cast as the villain, which was a little strange, but it was a bitter reality that my own neck was on the line if I was taken for a fool here.
Sikorski hesitated for a moment before speaking again.
“We will cede Gdańsk (Danzig) and Poznań (Posen) as Germany has demanded, but repaying the ten billion marks you’ve requested is impossible, even with a ten-year installment plan.”
I gave a wry smile. Honestly, I knew it was an unreasonable demand. It was no different from saying we’d fill the hole left by the ridiculous amount of MEFO bills the Nazi regime had accumulated by bleeding Poland dry. But this was a condition set by my father, not me.
“Realistically, it’s impossible for Poland to fight a war with the Soviet Union while paying such reparations. In the end, if we are destroyed, Germany won’t get its reparations either, will it?”
“You’re not wrong.”
As the conversation continued, I was starting to like Lieutenant General Sikorski more and more.
If he had spoken in terms of asking for leniency for the Polish people, I would have been ready to tear him apart with sharp words, but this man had a firm grasp on reality and had come with a meticulously thought-out plan.
His struggle to save his dying country, even if it meant resorting to bloodshed, was strangely reminiscent of my own past actions.
What was I thinking, comparing myself to a man so much older?
“If Germany agrees to support Lieutenant General Sikorski, Hungary is willing to provide Poland with war materials in its fight against the Soviets. With the justification of rebuilding democracy, I believe Britain will also provide some support to Poland.”
As Hungarian Prime Minister Pál Teleki, who had been listening silently until now, spoke up, my thoughts grew more complex.
Originally, the Fourth Reich and I had considered Poland a disposable pawn to buy time against the Soviet Union. But what if they could become a cooperative nation that could properly serve as a buffer zone against the Soviets?
The democratization of Poland and the war crime trials of the instigators were already excellent moral justifications.
If that was the case, we could be a little more generous with the reparations, and if that generosity wasn't wasted but used to create a shield that would bleed for Germany against the Soviets, it would be a profitable venture.
But there was something else to confirm first.
“General, are the practical plans for the coup and the participants already decided? This is all well and good, but if the peace talks fail and your coup fails, both we and Poland will be in a very difficult position.”
If that happened, we would have to crush a Poland thrown into chaos by a coup with our army. Truly the worst possible outcome.
“Of course, Vice-Chancellor. Rydz-Śmigły is too busy trying to hold the lines against Germany and the Soviet Union to pay much attention to Warsaw. All we need is a justification that can convince the people.”
Sikorski spoke with a confidence that suggested he had been waiting for me to ask just that. He might not be a benevolent leader seeking peace and freedom, but for a Polish leader to join hands with us, this was just about right.
“Then there is one more thing I would like to address. I don’t know when the Soviets will invade, but even if you succeed with the coup, formally sign a peace treaty, and we release the main Polish forces in Danzig and Posen, it will take time to reorganize and deploy them to the eastern front. Time will be tight.”
This was another serious problem. We, too, had suffered immense damage from Poland’s surprise attack immediately after our civil war ended. How would they handle this?
I knew Sikorski had considerable prestige among the people and the military, and that many generals followed him, but this wasn't the medieval era where a general could just show up and command, "Follow me!"
It would inevitably take time to take over command of each unit, assess their status, and reorganize them. No matter how good Sikorski’s conditions were, if his Poland seemed likely to fall even faster than the militarists’ Poland, it was all meaningless.
Moreover, Poland’s eastern border was ridiculously long and mostly plains. There was a reason we never expected Poland to completely fend off the Soviets in the first place.
Sikorski let out a small sigh and took a map from his coat.
“Initially, the Border Protection Corps currently stationed at the border will conduct a delaying action, but if the Soviet offensive begins early, they won't be able to hold out for long.”
Was he showing me an operational plan? Even I was surprised. If he had prepared this to gain my trust and persuade me, it was truly impressive.
“So, in preparation for that case, we will establish a second defensive line with the reorganized main forces. The plan is to narrow the front along a line starting from Grodno and defend against the enemy along the Bug River.”
“But this would mean your country's eastern regions would be...”
Sikorski’s face twisted in pain, but he soon spoke again.
“We are thinking of selling Vilno (Vilnius, the original capital of Lithuania that Poland had seized) to Lithuania. It is our judgment that we must defend Poland’s core regions by narrowing the front as much as possible, even if it means temporarily giving up the less industrialized eastern regions.”
Incredible. He planned to preemptively cede occupied territories he couldn't defend anyway, thereby preventing them from siding with the Soviets, and had a defensive plan that took geography and reality into account as much as possible.
It had only been a short while since the Soviets started deploying troops to the border, and we had only requested peace talks a few days ago. He had planned all this in that time?
I was at a loss for words. This was on a completely different level from Rydz-Śmigły, whose plan to defend the entire Polish border had collapsed so pathetically against the German army.
I had wondered why the Polish army, which had achieved victory against the Soviets against overwhelming odds in the Polish-Soviet War, had been so ineffective in World War II. It was because a brilliant commander like this had been kept from power.
Perhaps it was a blessing from God that he hadn't been in command of the army during Germany’s invasion of Poland.
At this point, I had no choice but to show him my respect. This man wasn't just someone trying to seize power for personal gain.
He was a man truly willing to make any sacrifice to protect his country, and he had the ability and decisiveness to carry it out.
“Vice-Chancellor, time is of the essence for this plan to succeed. We cannot stand by and watch as Rydz-Śmigły eats away at the time that is so crucial to us, eats away at the very life of Poland. We need Germany's help, and we, in turn, can be of help to Germany's national interests.”
Sikorski, who had been speaking as calmly and dispassionately as possible until now, finally let his desperation show.
To think that a man like this was barely known in my original history. It was a bitter thought.
“...Very well. I will try to resolve the reparations issue in another way. If we proceed with it as a purchase of German military equipment rather than reparations, Poland should be able to accept it. However, there is one thing I want to make clear.”
I looked Sikorski straight in the eye and asked.
“Danzig and Posen... or Gdańsk and Poznań in your language. I want to obtain a permanent declaration of renunciation for those territories. We cannot do favors for a country that could become our enemy at any moment, can we?”
For the first time, Lieutenant General Sikorski’s unwavering expression faltered.
But this was a very important issue for us. How many times had wars been fought in Europe over these damned territorial disputes?
We couldn't leave them as disputed territories forever. Of course, for Lieutenant General Sikorski, making such a declaration would be a huge blow to his political standing.
Especially in a situation where he was already preparing a defensive plan that anticipated the temporary fall of the eastern territories, he might even be branded a traitor by the Polish people later on. Did he truly have the resolve to protect his country even at that cost?
“...It seems we both need to consult with our home governments.”
The answer Lieutenant General Sikorski gave after a long silence was not a refusal. For that alone, I wanted to give him a passing grade.
Our positions were different, and our future relationship would likely be more awkward than friendly, but a patriot of his caliber deserved respect.
“Excellent. I will also need to consult with my government and with Britain. It seems this peace negotiation will have two completely separate tracks: the public talks and the real ones.”
I gave a grin to Pál Teleki, who was letting out a sigh of relief.
“If this plan succeeds and Hungary lends its strength to Poland in fending off the Soviet offensive, Germany will certainly owe Hungary a debt.”
Without their arrangement, we would have been stuck in drawn-out negotiations with the wretched Rydz-Śmigły, risking failure to achieve our initial goal for seeking peace talks.
“Hungary forgets neither its grudges nor its favors, Vice-Chancellor.”
It seemed that approving their rearmament and selling them weapons even after knowing they lacked the strength to attack us had been a good choice after all.
The Romanian issue would cause more complex problems later, but at this point, I would have to side with Hungary at least once.
I shook hands with Pál Teleki, then offered my hand to Lieutenant General Sikorski.
“Then let us hope for a positive outcome for us both. It may be a bit strange to say now, but I wish you and Poland the best of luck, General.”
Sikorski gripped my hand firmly and replied.
“...We also wish you and Germany the best of luck, Vice-Chancellor.”
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It took some effort to persuade my government and Britain, but in the end, our secret talks were a success.
If Sikorski’s government succeeded in its coup, they would hand over the instigators of the war, cede Danzig and Posen, and permanently renounce their claims to those territories.
In return, we would receive two billion marks from the new Polish government, paid in installments over ten years, and provide them with military equipment of equivalent value.
By providing Poland with the artillery, tank destroyers, anti-tank guns, and fighter planes they urgently needed, they would have a fighting chance against the Soviets.
Minister of Defense Ludwig Beck was somewhat concerned about selling weapons to Poland, a country we had just been at war with, but I managed to persuade him that it was better for Poland to survive, buy our weapons, and hold back the Soviets than for them to collapse instantly and be unable to pay reparations. The war crime trials and the renunciation of territorial claims also helped.
Britain also agreed to provide Poland with tanks and military equipment. As a bonus, Britain expressed its gratitude for our cooperation by transferring some of its advanced electronics technology, particularly radar technology.
Of course, I had to throw a bit of a fit and threaten to break off the talks due to Poland's insincerity to get that out of a reluctant Britain, right before arranging the secret meeting with Sikorski.
Consequently, after concluding our secret pact, we publicly declared the failure of the peace talks, feigning outrage at the absurd attitude of the Polish delegation.
Rydz-Śmigły and the Polish leadership, who had insisted they couldn't pay reparations if they had to cede both Danzig and Posen, were naturally thrown into chaos. In response, the Soviet Union openly declared the termination of the Soviet-Polish non-aggression pact and requested a meeting between their Foreign Minister Molotov and Germany.
They were brazenly suggesting we carve up Poland, even while they were at war with Finland. We responded by simply not replying.
The talks broke down on March 3rd. The deadline we gave Sikorski was March 6th.
Neither we nor Britain could bear the fallout from the failed talks indefinitely. If he didn't succeed with his coup by then, we would have to consider Sikorski a failure and roll over Poland with our army.
As the eyes of the international community were fixed on the fate of Poland, I personally found myself hoping that God would be with Sikorski.