Chapter 89
Chapter 89
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 89
Chapter Title: World War II - The Fate of Poland (2)
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February 26, 1940
London, the capital of England. The British House of Commons.
The dignified and honorable House of Commons of the United Kingdom was in chaos, a cacophony of shouting reminiscent of a marketplace.
“Order, order!”
No matter how loudly the Speaker of the House shouted, the uproar in the chamber—designed with the opposition and ruling parties facing each other as if to encourage debate—showed no signs of abating.
And the man responsible for this mess, Labour Party leader Clement Attlee, was shouting while pointing a finger at the British Prime Minister, Lord Halifax.
“British diplomacy is facing a total failure! What has the Conservative Party been doing all this time? The Spanish Civil War ended in victory for that fascist Franco while we looked the other way! In the end, by utterly ignoring our long-time ally France, the Radical Party lost power, and France's new prime minister is now pursuing diplomacy with the fascists instead of us!”
Attlee, a leftist with anti-communist and anti-fascist leanings similar to the Social Democrats in Germany, fiercely criticized the Conservative government for, in effect, leading Western Europe down the path of fascism.
“Nonsense! How is that the Conservative Party's fault!”
“Shame on you!”
“Order, order!”
Conservative MPs hurled insults at Attlee, and while the Speaker tried to calm the atmosphere, Attlee continued.
“The Conservative Party congratulates itself, claiming that Hitler was ousted and the Fourth Reich rose thanks to the Munich Agreement, but anyone with eyes and ears knows the truth! The birth of the Fourth Reich is nothing more or less than a German miracle! The Munich Agreement was the very beginning of Britain's diplomatic failures, the starting point that has led to the decline of British influence in Europe!”
As opposition MPs voiced their agreement with Attlee and jeered at the Conservatives, the Conservative MPs could not hide their displeasure.
Everyone present was well aware that with the annexation of Czechoslovakia, the Munich Agreement—the so-called 'peace for our time'—had been nothing more than a deception, a brief respite bought by selling out an ally.
And the claim that the Fourth Reich had risen because of it was nothing more than a self-congratulatory delusion on the part of the Conservatives.
“Mr. Speaker, honorable members of the House. The flames of war are spreading across Europe. Britain turned a blind eye as Poland joined forces with the fascists to attack Germany. Our long-time ally France is drawing closer to the fascists, and the communists in the east are threatening Europe, starting with the small nation of Finland.”
Neville Chamberlain, now retired as the leader of the Conservative Party and merely a member of the House, sat in a corner with a pale face, watching Attlee before closing his eyes.
“Britain now has no reliable allies. If we continue this bystander attitude while cutting military spending, the flames consuming Europe will one day reach our shores. As a citizen of Britain, before I am the leader of the Labour Party, I demand that Prime Minister Halifax conduct a full review of our current foreign policy.”
While opposition MPs cheered enthusiastically, rising to their feet and waving their handkerchiefs, the Conservative MPs remained seated, showering him with insults and boos.
And among those Conservative MPs, one man alone stood up.
That Conservative MP, Winston Churchill, rose alone despite the sour expressions of his fellow party members and Halifax, waving his handkerchief at Attlee to show his approval.
-
A short while later, the Conservative MPs were seated elegantly at a fine dinner, enjoying steak and wine as they conversed.
“The Labour Party is just itching to intervene in Europe.”
Foreign Secretary Alexander Cadogan's remark drew a snort from Halifax.
“They're fools. War devastates the lives of the people, yet these socialists, who claim to represent the interests of the workers, say such things...”
Halifax, who had succeeded Chamberlain as Prime Minister, had a policy that could be summed up in one phrase: 'a return to splendid isolation.'
After being roped into guaranteeing the Munich Agreement by France, only to lose face and nearly be dragged into a war with Germany, Britain had adopted a foreign policy of keeping its distance from Europe, merely checking any nation that grew too powerful.
“Our foreign policy is a great success. Germany, drained by its civil war and now this new conflict, has finally liberated Czechoslovakia. And even if they win the war against Poland, a reward of Danzig and Posen is something we can overlook, considering the gift they've given us.”
Watching the Conservative MPs praise their own policies, Halifax nodded in satisfaction as he cut a piece of steak and put it in his mouth.
The Conservative Party, which had lost face when Hitler broke the Munich Agreement, had fully recovered its support now that Germany had liberated Czechoslovakia as promised.
Furthermore, Britain was greatly relieved to discover that the German navy, once a source of concern, was no longer a worry, as Germany was now collaborating with British companies. Confident that they wouldn't be embroiled in any immediate European wars, the British were even cutting military spending to focus on economic recovery.
“Whatever the Labour Party says, the Italian fascists, even with Poland's help, are being overwhelmed by Germany alone. And the Soviet Union, with its communist threat, can't even handle the small nation of Finland. They are hardly a cause for our concern.”
Cadogan's subsequent words reassured the Conservative MPs. Europe was embroiled in war, but for now, no side was running rampant.
This situation, where Britain could selectively intervene and trade with them, extracting only profit, was perfectly suited to the tastes of the Conservative Party.
“In any case, the situation in Europe is perfectly under control. As always, we just need to ensure they keep each other in check and cannot stand against Britain.”
Even if France was breaking from the alliance, it didn't matter. If Germany wasn't an enemy, there was no need for Britain to go out of its way and suffer losses to stay with them. Historically, they were more rivals than allies anyway.
Now that it was clear Germany had no intention of defying Britain and their navy posed no threat, Halifax was convinced that Britain was safer than ever.
Halifax raised his wine glass and said.
“To the prosperity of the British Empire, and the peace our descendants will enjoy.”
“To the prosperity of the British Empire, and the peace our descendants will enjoy.”
As the Conservative MPs followed Halifax's lead and savored their wine, an aide approached Halifax and whispered in his ear.
“A message from the German embassy. Their Vice-Chancellor requests that Britain mediate a resolution to the conflict between Germany and Poland.”
Halifax smiled in satisfaction. It seemed Germany was feeling the strain of continuing the war with Poland, or perhaps a change in circumstances had made them need us, a country on relatively good terms with the Poles, as a mediator.
Just look at this.
No matter what the Labour Party said, without actively forming alliances or intervening, Britain was still firmly maintaining its influence over Europe, wasn't it?
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February 28, 1940
Central Poland, the capital city of Warsaw.
Foreign Minister Józef Beck had delivered a telegram informing them that France's promised guarantee of independence had been withdrawn, and a gloomy atmosphere settled over the meeting of Poland's high command.
Although they hadn't expected France, which had been delaying its entry into the war since the Radical Party was in power, to join immediately, the shock was immense. They had never imagined that the very nation most wary of Germany's growth would abandon Poland so lightly.
“Those damned Frenchmen. We should have known when they abandoned Czechoslovakia at the Munich Agreement...”
Commander-in-Chief Rydz-Śmigły muttered in frustration, but it changed nothing.
“What do you intend to do now, Marshal?”
Prime Minister Składkowski asked Rydz-Śmigły, but he remained silent. For Składkowski, it was a painful sight.
In Poland's 'dictatorship without a dictator,' where the military effectively ran the country, he was a prime minister in name only. Still, he had tried his best to avoid political confrontation and unify the nation.
But only now, having come this far, did he realize his efforts had been meaningless. No matter how it ended, it was clear that he, the prime minister, would be forced to take the blame for this defeat.
Regardless of the fact that the war had been decided without any regard for his opinion.
Składkowski slowly turned his gaze, scanning the faces of each person in the meeting room one by one.
Everyone was steeped in frustration and despair, but one man, Lieutenant General Władysław Sikorski, met his gaze directly.
He was a high-ranking lieutenant general in the Polish army and had repeatedly requested to be sent to the front. But Marshal Rydz-Śmigły, wary of letting a man who had once been Chief of the General Staff and even Prime Minister gain real power, had refused every time.
Would he have done a better job as prime minister? After a moment of such pointless speculation while staring at Sikorski, Składkowski considered his options and finally spoke.
“What do you say to accepting peace negotiations with Germany?”
The Fourth Reich had proposed peace talks with Britain as a mediator, but until now, no one in the Polish high command had suggested accepting the offer.
It would take Foreign Minister Józef Beck a long time to return from France, and in any case, the situation demanded a high-ranking official to take responsibility.
Consequently, with the military and the Sejm desperate to find a scapegoat to pin the blame on while extricating themselves, whoever went to sign what was effectively a surrender agreement—though called a peace negotiation—would inevitably be branded a traitor.
“Are you sure, Prime Minister? Their demands will surely be outrageous.”
Despite his feigned concern, Rydz-Śmigły couldn't stop his face from brightening.
Składkowski had been in favor of the non-aggression pact Germany had offered, so this was no different from the prime minister volunteering to take the fall for a war the military had started.
“If there's no chance of victory anyway, isn't it better to end the war as quickly as possible?”
Before the German counterattack, had he made such a statement, he would have been ousted just like the other prime ministers who couldn't even hold their position for a year.
But now, not a single military official expressed anger or opposition. Składkowski felt a sense of relief at this.
“According to their negotiations with Britain, they will demand Gdańsk, the Corridor, and Poznań. I don't know what other conditions will be attached, but I will do my best to secure the most lenient terms possible.”
Unfortunately, Składkowski and the military leadership were not on the same page.
“Gdańsk is our only port; we can't just hand it over. Shouldn't we at least protect Poznań?”
At Rydz-Śmigły's remark, Składkowski let out a deep sigh before speaking.
“Marshal. I, too, am a man of the military. Looking at the current state of the war, I must dare to say that it is they, not us, who are in a position to set conditions in these peace talks.”
As the figurehead prime minister lectured him, Rydz-Śmigły's face turned crimson.
“Watch your tongue, Major General! I am the successor to Marshal Piłsudski! Our army is still intact, and both Gdańsk and Poznań are in our hands, yet you speak of handing them all over and surrendering! Are you trying to sell out our country?”
Składkowski's gaze, directed at the dictator who had appointed himself marshal and now disrespected him as prime minister, crushing him with military rank, was not one of anger, but rather of pity.
After all, most members of the current Polish government, even Foreign Minister Józef Beck, belonged to the military.
In the end, Poland itself was a country run by the military and the Sejm, and even the members of the government were all cut from the same military cloth.
In a country already dominated by the military, what greater wealth and glory could they possibly desire? Why did they have to divide power among themselves, driven by absurd greed, and lead their homeland to this point?
As the war of nerves continued, an aide entered with a telegram.
“A report from the Border Defense Corps! Soviet troops have begun deploying along the border!”
“W-what did you say?”
An icy silence instantly fell over the meeting room.
After a heavy silence that no one dared to break, Rydz-Śmigły resorted to denial.
“The Soviet Union? No, that can't be. They haven't even finished their war with Finland! The non-aggression pact is still in effect!”
Watching him with pitiful eyes, Składkowski spoke again.
“If we fail to sign a peace treaty with Germany, it seems our homeland will once again disappear from the map.”
“W-we can't jump to conclusions. They might just be strengthening their border security.”
They had never fully trusted the Soviet non-aggression pact, but now, faced with the most unwelcome reality at the worst possible moment, the Polish high command was trying to escape from it.
Finally, unable to watch any longer, Lieutenant General Sikorski spoke up.
“I will go as well. Can't we at least hear their demands before making a decision?”
“General.”
Składkowski tried to stop Sikorski, but his resolve seemed firm.
Rydz-Śmigły looked at Składkowski and Sikorski with a very displeased expression, lost in thought.
Although Składkowski was the prime minister, he was already known abroad as a figurehead. If a high-ranking lieutenant general from the military went, the negotiating delegation would at least have some authority.
And it would be even better if he could bury his political rival Sikorski, who was popular with the civilian factions, in the process.
It didn't seem likely that the two, who had little in common, had suddenly conspired together. Having made his decision, Rydz-Śmigły spoke with a reluctant look on his face.
“Very well. I will entrust it to the two of you. Have them come to Warsaw for the meeting, but any final decision must be made only after consulting with me.”
At the marshal's words—shirking all responsibility while still insisting on having his say—Składkowski and Sikorski let out a deep sigh.