Chapter 18
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Translator: penny
Chapter: 018
Chapter Title: Conditions of the Coup. 8 - War is the Cradle of Heroes (1)
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Do you know what the most successful coup in history was?
I'd researched coups from around the world ever since I'd made up my mind to stage one.
Most of them had failed.
Some were thwarted midway,
others succeeded only briefly before opposition forces snatched back power,
and even those that managed to seize control often ended up as puppet regimes dragged around by neighboring countries.
Truly successful coups—ones worth calling that—were rare enough to count on one hand.
And yet, there was one that truly deserved the name.
The Turkish coup led by Mustafa Kemal, who toppled the Ottoman Empire and founded the Republic of Turkey.
To be precise, it might be more accurate to call it the Turkish Civil War than a coup.
After World War I ended,
against the Allied forces of Britain, France, and Russia who sought to partition the Ottoman Empire, and the Ottoman imperial army loyal to the Sultan,
Mustafa Kemal rallied an army and civilian militias to fight across Turkish soil, aiming to reject territorial division and establish a secular democratic republic.
The war's outcome?
Islamic theocracy and monarchy collapsed,
and the democratic Republic of Turkey was born.
Kemal Pasha, already a war hero with the people's support beforehand, ascended to head of state with overwhelming backing, earning the moniker Atatürk—Father of the Turks.
A ruler with the absolute support of the people didn't need to bow to any internal or external power.
On that solid foundation, Kemal Pasha succeeded in building a rare democratic system in the Middle East, where monarchies abounded, and reforming society, education, and the economy.
Instead of a comfortable life as Iran's third prince,
after deciding on a coup, I'd drawn inspiration from this during the planning phase: the goal of building support from the ground up.
And I'd realized the easiest way to win the people's support was to become a war hero.
The king's bedroom.
For a bastard prince far down the line of succession—not even the crown prince—to use the king's bedroom might seem irreverent.
But everyone still in the palace was one of my own people anyway, so what did it matter?
I sat at the desk in one corner of the room and pulled out an old notebook, flipping it open.
At the top, faded handwriting read:
- Plan for the Perfect Coup
1. It must have the people's support.
2. Seize control of the military. Especially recruit a large number of field-grade officers equivalent to brigade commanders.
3. Control the media.
4. Divide the opposition political forces.
5. Gain U.S. support. But a relationship built on enmity is more effective than one based on trust.
...
Below that were the conditions for a perfect coup—one that could hold power permanently even after success.
And beside them, I'd written what I knew of the Iranian Revolution and Middle Eastern history.
These were things I'd racked my brain to recall from my past life,
cross-referenced simultaneously with information from around the world.
- 1973 Yom Kippur War...
- 1978 Iranian Revolution...
...
- 1979 U.S. Embassy takeover, hostages seized
- 1980 U.S. hostage rescue operation fails
...
- 1980 U.S. regime change...
And then.
September 1980. Iran-Iraq War.
...
The war would break out with Iraq's invasion.
Behind Iraq stood a coalition of Arab kingdoms hypersensitive after the Iranian Revolution,
and Saddam Hussein's ambitions to become the hegemon of Islam and the Arab world.
Finally, it was all intertwined with U.S. intervention, harboring resentment toward Iran and Khomeini after the revolution, especially the embassy hostage crisis and the failed rescue.
The ensuing war unfolded in horrific fashion.
Iraq, since the 1968 Ba'ath Party coup,
had political soldiers dominating the military, leaving it devoid of proper commanders.
Iran's situation was even worse.
Commanders trained in the U.S. had all been purged or sidelined to desk jobs,
with Revolutionary Guards—former street thugs—and clerics taking over.
Those Revolutionary Guards and clerics who'd only bullied villagers had nothing useful in a real war.
No, they were actually quite good at coming up with gruesome, idiotic ideas.
Their one "tactic" was suicide attacks using boy soldiers.
They'd hang plastic key necklaces around ignorant kids' necks, promising them keys to paradise, then send them into Iraqi minefields.
If history followed its course, the same tragedy would repeat.
But I had to stop it from going that far, at least.
As I organized past events and what was to come,
time marched relentlessly toward September.
Iraq's capital, Baghdad.
President Saddam Hussein began his final checks.
Defense Minister Aziz briefed him on the preparations.
"Tanks and armored vehicles are ready."
"The advance routes?"
"We'll attack on three main fronts: the northern mountain region of Qurnah, the central Susangerd, and finally the Persian Gulf sector."
Hussein nodded once and turned his gaze aside.
He addressed the Foreign Minister.
"How's the war funding coming along?"
"The Saudi royals, along with Kuwait, Bahrain, the UAE, and Morocco, have pledged financial support. Jordan's providing supplies, and Egypt is sending supplies plus an advisory team."
Satisfaction showed on Hussein's face.
All the Arab states were backing him.
Of course, he'd been the first to declare himself the eastern gatekeeper blocking the revolution's spread.
Hussein's goal was clear.
Using the funds and supplies from Arab nations to build up his military,
topple Iran's revolutionary government, and make a name as the Arab world's champion.
And if he seized Iran's oil fields
to dominate the global oil market?
Even America would have to watch his moves.
He already planned to push on to Kuwait after Iran, so controlling the oil fields of all three wouldn't be impossible.
At least, if things went according to his plan.
"We've already secured ample strategic materials and funds."
Hussein shot a glare at the Foreign Minister, who spoke hoping for praise.
"Ample? What ample? Squeeze them for every last drop."
"Pardon? We already have plenty left over... More?"
"Yes. Milk them dry. Especially Kuwait—they're more desperate than us. Sweet-talk and coax out even more."
"Understood. I'll do that."
Hearing the reply, Hussein surveyed the room.
"War is imminent. That fool Khomeini is so scared of internal rebellion he's thrown the military commanders in prison. Now's the perfect moment. We'll face nothing but untrained Revolutionary Guard rabble. We'll sweep them aside like chaff, seize the southern oil fields and key points, and drag Khomeini out of Tehran."
Everyone wore expressions as if victory was already theirs.
Hussein continued.
"When this war ends, we'll smash those arrogant Aryans, and our Iraq—the Ba'ath Party—will lead the Arab League."
September 1980.
Iraq issued a formal notice to Iran.
Redetermine the border along the Shatt al-Arab waterway.
The Shatt al-Arab is the lifeblood of the Middle East, formed where the Euphrates and Tigris merge before flowing into the Persian Gulf.
It also served as the southern border between Iran and Iraq.
The problem? A river splitting the border meant it belonged to both nations' territories.
The two countries had clashed for decades over which parts constituted the border.
The latest agreement was the 1975 Algiers Accord, setting the deepest channel point as the line.
But Iraq formally declared it void.
"The Shatt al-Arab border must follow the 1935 agreement."
Iraq demanded a return to the pre-colonial line from when Iraq was under British mandate, giving Iraq near-total control of the river.
Iran, naturally, refused,
and Iraq used it as a pretext to move troops to the southern border.
"We will never yield for the sake of Iraq's territorial integrity."
Iran sent forces too, but mostly Revolutionary Guards and border troops.
Iraq dispatched small units to harass them while unleashing artillery barrages on the border areas.
As the untrained Revolutionary Guards floundered without proper response,
Iraqi forces gradually shook Iran's defenses.
September 20, 1980.
Hassan arrived with a report.
"Iraqi air force movements are suspicious."
"Is that so? Hand it over."
Iraq's air power had mostly been positioned in the west to check Israel.
But recently,
fighters and bombers from the west had redeployed eastward.
The time was near.
"Looks like it's about time. Contact the scholars. Tell them all to hunker down and conserve strength as much as possible."
The side hit first in the opening salvos would suffer heavy losses. We needed to preserve our internal forces.
"Especially tell the air force to keep a low profile. They're the only ones we can count on."
Thanks to overwhelming air victories, Iran's battered army could at least fight on equal terms against Iraq, backed by Arab support.
"And one more thing."
"Yes, Your Highness."
"Prepare mine too."
"Pardon? You're planning to join the front lines yourself, Your Highness?"
"Of course."
Worry crossed Hassan's face.
"But you're under house arrest right now. If Khomeini's side tries something..."
"I'll make sure they can't. With utterly flawless, overwhelming victories that leave no room for criticism."
September 21, 1980.
Baghdad Presidential Palace, Iraq.
President Hussein and his cabinet ministers, along with military commanders, gathered.
Hussein surveyed the room.
All were comrades from the 1968 Ba'ath coup,
now his loyal limbs.
After over a decade of purges, he'd seized total power, perfecting his dictatorship.
Now, all that remained was expanding influence beyond Iraq to the entire Arab world.
In that context, Khomeini—the revolution's leader—declaring he'd spread the revolutionary flame across the Middle East was a golden opportunity.
"I'll be the gatekeeper guarding the east."
That single statement won support from Sunni monarchies across the Arabian Peninsula.
Saudi Arabia, UAE, Kuwait lent massive war funds;
Jordan supplies;
Egypt supplies and advisors.
Conquer Iran,
extinguish the revolutionary fire threatening the Arab world,
and he might build an Islamic superpower with the Middle East and Arabia at his feet.
The hegemon of the Middle East, holding over half the world's oil production,
could ignore both U.S. and Soviet superpowers.
Amid such expectations, Hussein eyed his final order.
He turned to the Defense Minister.
"Border status?"
"Local skirmishes ongoing."
Since September, Iraq had reignited the Shatt al-Arab border issue with provocations.
Starting with machine-gun fire at enemy camps along the long border,
now escalating to intermittent artillery on Iranian positions.
"Iranian response?"
"Even with our 105mm howitzers firing sporadically—not directly targeting them—no major troop movements or countermeasures yet. Seems true they're paralyzed by coup fears, stripping the military's power."
Hussein nodded.
He didn't know the full details,
but after a week of shelling, Iran's only riposte was sporadic,
with no signs of mass deployments, defensive lines, or counterattack prep.
Even if Khomeini distrusted the military, the lack of reaction screamed problems in Iran's troop handling.
"Our preparations?"
"72nd Armored Division on standby 15km east of Basra. On your order, they'll cross, seize Khorramshahr, then push to Abadan."
Abadan housed Iran's largest refinery complex, an industrial hub and transport nexus.
Seizing it would cut southern and Gulf reinforcements,
while securing Iraq an advance route to Tehran and logistics base.
And tiny Khorramshahr lay at the gateway from the border to Abadan.
"Timeline?"
"Khorramshahr to Abadan in three days. Full seizure in a week. We'll beat northern and central Iranian forces to Abadan and fortify."
"Good!"
Hussein beamed at the minister's crisp reply.
"Excellent. Attack at dawn as planned. Show those Persian fools the might of the Arab empire."
"Yes, sir!"
"Yes! We'll crush them!"
Iraq's invasion of Iran was set.
D-3. Iraq's massive armored forces began moving to the border.