Chapter 71
Chapter 71
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Translator: crow
Chapter 71
Chapter Title: Indochina Invasion (1)
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In October 1941, the dispatch of troops to Indochina began.
For the history of the Republic of Korea, this was the first time since the Great War that an expeditionary force had been sent such a great distance.
The citizens gathered for the ceremony felt their chests swell with pride.
“We are so proud of our Republic.”
“The sons of our five-thousand-year-old Republic are finally stepping forward to shoulder the burden of the yellow race.”
Amid the resounding military music, a man in the field marshal's uniform for the parade stepped onto the red carpet.
“The Prime Minister is entering.”
“Attention! Present arms!”
The prepared review featured handpicked military police putting on a splendid display.
Yi Sung-jun proceeded, receiving the crisp salute of the soldiers.
With every step, he exuded the dignity of a ruler.
It was as if a tiger were walking.
When Yi Sung-jun, the man at the pinnacle of the empire, ascended the platform, the people finally exhaled.
He was not the type to fire a salvo just because someone breathed, but in front of a man with that much power, even a single breath required caution.
“Loyalty! Expeditionary Force Commander Baek Dong-seok and the fifty-eight thousand troops under his command hereby report that they are commencing the Indochina liberation operation as of this moment.”
Yi Sung-jun lightly raised and lowered his hand.
Appointing Baek Dong-seok, one of the heavyweights in the National Defense Military Committee, to this operation was Kim Sung-ju's own political calculus.
‘The war in China is a fight with no battles worth noting anyway, so it's easier to rack up merits here, and Indochina draws more attention. We need to plant one of our own there.’
It was classic factional logic, but Yi Sung-jun tolerated it.
No matter how firm one's grip on the military, it was necessary to prevent the emergence of uncontrollable variables as much as possible.
“I approve your operation. I trust you will bring victory to the Republic.”
“Commander Baek Dong-seok will live up to Your Excellency's expectations.”
The review lasted for one hour.
The Korean military openly displayed the tanks, vehicles, self-propelled guns, and various other equipment they would deploy for this attack.
The mobilized forces alone amounted to two divisions.
Of course, if asked whether they could transport all that massive equipment to Indochina, the answer was no.
Compared to its enormous battleship fleet, the Korean military had a lopsided structure with woefully inadequate supply ships to support it.
With the Korean military's logistics capabilities, the best they could manage was transporting a single fully equipped armored regiment.
“But those militarists. Just how far do they intend to push this invasion?”
Still, it was enough to intimidate foreigners who didn't know the details.
In fact, the face of the French ambassador, Charles Arsène Henry, who was watching the spectacle, was half-rotted in disgust.
“The Koreans really intend to swallow Indochina whole.”
Officially, Korea and France were not at war.
Yet, to the militaristic Koreans, such facts seemed to pose no issue at all.
From the start, international law in Pyongyang was worth less than chewed gum.
‘Prussians of the Far East.’
The only nations that would put into practice the idea of trampling neutral countries for strategic convenience were Germany and Korea.
The French ambassador lodged a protest with the Korean Foreign Ministry as soon as he returned to the embassy.
The Korean Foreign Ministry responded thus:
“We question whether France is truly free from fascist influence. As evidence, the French Indochina colonial government intervened in the Sino-Korean War—an outrageous act—despite its obligation to strictly maintain wartime neutrality. If it was not the French authorities' wish, whose coercion was at play?”
Korea argued as follows:
Since Germany was ‘using’ French Indochina, Korea would go and ‘liberate’ it.
They would go there and protect the colonial administration and all French property in the area without touching them.
It was an absurd line of reasoning.
The Koreans spouted such nonsense while firmly believing they were upholding international law.
What was even more outrageous was the Anglo-American reaction, which should have been outraged by this.
“Korea's actions can be interpreted as an exercise of self-defense.”
“Isn't Korea just blockading the Hanoi route and leaving the colonial administration intact? If they go further, we can deal with it then.”
“You'd lose anyway if it came to a fight, so let's just end this with good face.”
The Anglo-Americans were adopting a stance of tolerating Korean expansion in Southeast Asia, just as they had in China.
No, was Hitler that frightening?
Come to think of it, he was.
Wasn't it still the Germans' fault that their homeland remained in a vegetative state?
Ambassador Henry decided to report this Far Eastern situation to his home government.
The French government flew into a rage at Henry's report.
“We must never yield to the Koreans!”
Philippe Pétain's government had already come to power by surrendering to the Nazis, carrying the deep wound of illegitimacy.
If they now allowed Korea to ‘liberate’ a colony, who knew what humiliation awaited.
There was also the risk of German attitudes turning even colder.
To earn respect, they had to demonstrate strength.
The order Pétain's government would issue to Indochina was predetermined from the start.
“Fight the Koreans to the last soldier, the last warship!”
The Indochina Governor-General's office was thrown into great confusion upon receiving what was effectively an order to fight to the death.
Governor-General Jean Decoux thought the government had lost its mind.
‘If we had proper forces, maybe, but what exactly are we supposed to fight the Koreans with?’
Realistically, confronting Korea with the Indochina Federation's forces was suicide.
While Indochina had more troops numerically, once quality was factored in, there was no comparison.
The naval disparity was even worse.
With the Korean Combined Fleet possessing more battleships than the Indochinese navy had destroyers or corvettes, what kind of battle could even be fought?
Nevertheless, the French Army steeled its resolve to fight.
French Indochina garrison commander General Gabriel Sabattier conveyed to the Governor-General his intent to faithfully obey the government's order to fight to the last man.
“This is madness, General.”
“I know it's reckless, Your Excellency.”
“Then why?”
Sabattier recalled the day France surrendered helplessly.
The humiliation of collapsing without even properly fighting the Germans—how deeply it had seared his heart.
That day, he learned that living could be more shameful than dying.
That was why Sabattier wanted to fight.
There was no other way to restore his fallen country's honor.
The world was not courteous enough to respect cowards who casually yielded territory.
Someone had to shed blood to protect the nation's dignity.
“It is a soldier's duty.”
At Sabattier's calm words, the Governor-General let out a deep sigh.
“I don't believe such sacrifices have meaning. I believe saving even one more life is what matters.”
“That is Your Excellency's path. My path is to serve the homeland with my life.”
“Do as you will.”
The Governor-General temporarily abandoned his plan for unconditional surrender.
It had been impossible without the cooperation of the French military anyway.
Through British Hong Kong, the Governor-General conveyed that Indochina would obey Paris's orders.
France's resistance.
This was a reaction the Korean government had not anticipated.
“This is a bit of a sticky situation. His Excellency will be quite displeased.”
Kim Sung-ju was more worried about offending Yi Sung-jun than the operation going awry.
“Minister of the Army Kim, don't worry too much. I'll handle it cleanly. A few squirming snails won't change the board. Consider the forces we have.”
Baek Dong-seok reassured Kim Sung-ju with a confident attitude.
‘Well, General Baek isn't wrong.’
Given the overwhelming superiority of the Korean Navy, the expeditionary force had essentially started a battle it could not lose.
“We must keep casualties to an absolute minimum. If we shed too much blood, the public will inevitably demand the land.”
“Do you think I don't know that?”
Baek Dong-seok was fully prepared for it.
“Just like in China, we outsource it.”
“Outsource? Do we have someone reliable for that?”
“Ho Chi Minh.”
Kim Sung-ju was a bit taken aback by Baek Dong-seok's words.
It was a familiar name, but not someone of great importance.
“Isn't he the leader of the Indochinese Communist Party? He's just a has-been who's lost all his influence now. What use is he?”
Though in a better position than the fractured Vietnamese Nationalist Party, the Indochinese Communist Party had also seen its power wane.
“It's someone His Excellency suggested we use.”
“Then there shouldn't be any issue.”
Use Ho Chi Minh to drive out the French colonial forces.
If the communists gained some strength in the process, that was fine.
Of course, His Excellency wouldn't move without calculating that much.
The Korean military adopted the strategy of using the communists to crush French resistance—the classic ‘using barbarians to control barbarians.’
Once this policy was set, the Korean Foreign Ministry sprang into action.
Soon, word reached Ho Chi Minh through several cutouts.
“Teacher Ho, the Koreans want to talk with you.”
“Koreans? Those imperialists?”
Ho Chi Minh harbored no good feelings toward Korea.
Korea, despite holding the position of Asia's sole great power and immense national strength, did nothing for the greater Asian cause and instead endlessly waged wars to satisfy its greed.
In some ways, they were more loathsome betrayers of the yellow race than Western imperialists.
“Yes. What shall we do?”
Emotionally speaking, the Koreans were not even worth conversing with.
But as the leader of the Indochinese Communist Party, which had turned to realpolitik, he could not ignore Korea.
“Where do they want to meet?”
Ho Chi Minh decided to talk with the Koreans.