Chapter 70
Chapter 70
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Declaration of War Against Germany (4)
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Korea's declaration of war against Germany excited Chiang Kai-shek.
The world's greatest power, Germany, was going to war with Korea.
With the situation shaped like this, dragging out a prolonged war with China from Pyongyang would be burdensome.
Chiang Kai-shek sent his close aides to Hong Kong, easy for Koreans to access, and opened a channel for negotiations.
But no matter how long he waited, there was no response from Korea.
Instead,
"Chairman, the Communists have expanded their occupied territories by another twenty places. At this rate, Wuhan is in danger."
"Wang Jingwei's movements are also suspicious. He's arbitrarily reinterpreting the Three Principles of the People (Note: The ideology of the Republic of China advocated by Sun Yat-sen) and spouting nonsense like Greater Asianism (Note: Claiming Asia for Asians). The problem is, there are people falling for that absurd talk."
"What nonsense is that?"
Chiang Kai-shek couldn't believe it.
Were there really Chinese people in the world who would fall for the trash talk of Wang Jingwei, a traitor among traitors?
"There is a reason. Wang Jingwei is deluding people by saying Korea isn't an invader but a savior rescuing the Chinese people from the warlords. In fact, in the territories directly controlled by the Wang Jingwei regime, various miscellaneous taxes related to national defense have been abolished."
Chiang Kai-shek slumped weakly at those words.
Cutting taxes?
For the desperately poor Chinese people, nothing was more important than money.
Whether someone was a traitor or not was an emotional issue, but taxes were a matter of survival.
For the first time, Chiang Kai-shek felt threatened by Wang Jingwei.
At this moment, Wang Jingwei was more dangerous than the Reds.
"How on earth is that possible?"
Chiang Kai-shek couldn't help but ask.
"Wang Jingwei has abandoned military power altogether."
"Hah."
It was so absurd that he was at a loss for words.
Was that even a sane thing to do?
Didn't that mean he'd given up even on pretending to be a sovereign nation?
He couldn't understand how someone could be such a thorough traitor.
"Chairman, you must face reality now. We're being pressured by Wang Jingwei in front and Mao Zedong from behind."
He Yingqin's point cut deep, but it was worth heeding.
"So what do you suggest?"
"We should approach Korea first and request negotiations."
Throw in the towel first.
Chiang Kai-shek couldn't accept that.
"Is that something you should say?"
"Chairman, the Western powers have no intention of mediating for us. Didn't you see the attitude of the American ambassador the other day?"
The American ambassador, Clarence Edward Gauss, showed not the slightest sympathy toward China.
The ambassador spouted sophistry that China attempting to join the Axis powers had provoked Korea, placing the blame for the war squarely on China's side.
"Even so, no."
Chiang Kai-shek absolutely could not show weakness to Korea.
No, he must not.
If he became a leader who had twice lost to Korea after being provoked, who would believe and follow him?
Chiang Kai-shek had already lost a significant amount of political power.
Any more blows here, and he could never recover.
"But, sir. How are we supposed to continue this war? Our China has no supplies, no time, no money."
"Minister He."
"I want to give you hopeful news, Chairman. But what can we do about reality? Please, for the sake of four hundred million Chinese people, make the wise decision."
"Leave."
He Yingqin bowed and withdrew from the office.
Chiang Kai-shek was not unaware of the dire situation.
But he had to hold on.
Once Germany defeated the Soviet Union, Korea's stiff attitude would change.
If he could just endure until then.
As Chiang Kai-shek was thinking that, the phone rang.
"This is the Military Affairs Committee Chairman."
"Chairman, big trouble. The Soviets, the Soviets."
"What about the Soviets?"
"Soviet forces have occupied Xinjiang."
Chiang Kai-shek felt the world turn white.
He collapsed onto the office floor.
The Soviet occupation of Xinjiang had been lightning-fast.
Sheng Shicai, the warlord master of Xinjiang, instead of resisting the Soviet forces, quickly raised the white flag and sent word of his submission to Moscow.
Sheng Shicai had never had any loyalty to the Nationalist government to begin with.
Kirill Meretskov, who led 100,000 Soviet troops into Xinjiang, expressed contempt for the pathetic attitude of the Chinese.
"They call themselves generals and governors with no will to defend the nation and no preparations whatsoever. That's why this country is in such a state."
Meretskov said that, but when he actually met Sheng Shicai, he treated him with utmost cordiality.
"General Sheng's decision has prevented unnecessary conflict. Moscow holds your actions in high regard."
"Thank you. Human lives come first, after all."
Sheng Shicai and Meretskov signed the "Soviet Republic of China Xinjiang Garrison Agreement" right there.
This Soviet invasion was backed by several calculations.
Their intentions could be summarized as follows:
1. Pressure for an early end to the Sino-Korean War.
By occupying Xinjiang, they pressured the Republic of China, increasing the likelihood that Chiang Kai-shek would agree to peace.
2. Securing manpower.
In mobilizing massive armies for the German-Soviet war, the Soviets faced a shortage of civilian labor.
Filling this gap from Xinjiang would reduce the burden on the Soviet economy.
3. Laying groundwork for the postwar era.
Securing Xinjiang would create a buffer zone for the soft underbelly of the postwar Soviet Union.
It might have been rational calculus for Moscow, but for China, it was salt in the wound.
Immediately, voices within the party urging haste in peace talks with Korea noticeably increased.
"At this rate, the country will be carved up while we sit idly by. With Korea not enough, now the Soviets invading too—do you plan to keep parroting 'resist to the end' like a parrot?"
Fears spread like an epidemic within the party that they might end up like the late Qing dynasty, partitioned by the great powers.
Chiang Kai-shek could not completely ignore this pressure.
After much deliberation, he made a decision.
"Reopen dialogue channels with the Communists."
He didn't like negotiating with the Reds who had arbitrarily broken the Second United Front, but he absolutely could not yield to Wang Jingwei or Korea.
The only channel open to Chiang Kai-shek was the Reds.
Chiang Kai-shek decided to send Zhang Zuolin, the imprisoned head of the Liaoxi warlord clique, as his special envoy.
Zhang Zuolin was moved that Chiang Kai-shek had forgiven (?) him, but soon trembled in fear upon learning why he was released.
"You mean to achieve the Third United Front?"
"Yes. If you hadn't botched things in Xi'an, I wouldn't have to attempt this humiliating negotiation with the Reds. So, take responsibility and get their seal of approval."
But that was impossible.
Why would those who sided with Korea and stabbed the Republic of China in the back now accept negotiations?
If they were going to, they wouldn't have betrayed in the first place.
Zhang Zuolin wanted to say that, but he had no words even with ten mouths.
The one who had imprisoned Chiang Kai-shek in Xi'an and forced the Second United Front was none other than himself.
Zhang Zuolin stared at the floor before finally speaking.
"I'll... go to Yan'an."
It might be a path to death.
But he had to think of his family.
Zhang Zuolin boarded a plane and flew straight to Yan'an.
Upon Zhang Zuolin's arrival in Yan'an, Zhou Enlai unexpectedly greeted him.
"Welcome, Comrade Zhang."
The Chinese Communist Party welcomed Zhang Zuolin.
After all, he was the one who had saved the Communists cornered by the Xi'an Incident; they couldn't treat him poorly.
Zhang Zuolin felt his tension ease somewhat amid the lavish hospitality from the Communists.
"But where is Chairman Mao?"
"The Chairman is busy with work."
However, he absolutely could not meet Mao Zedong.
Even when he said he had something to discuss or asked to relay a message, it was completely ignored.
Yet, the high-ranking Communists continued to host him splendidly.
It wasn't fair to call this neglect or disdain.
While Zhang Zuolin waited in confusion for negotiations, the Communist leader, Mao Zedong, was sneering.
"That fool still doesn't get it. Does he really think Chiang Kai-shek sent him here to negotiate?"
Having fought Chiang Kai-shek for so long, Mao Zedong roughly guessed what his archenemy was thinking.
Chiang Kai-shek sending Zhang Zuolin was just a show for the party.
'I even released the rebel who threatened my life to negotiate with the Communists.'
If the negotiations failed, whose fault would it be?
Chiang Kai-shek's, who had shown utmost sincerity?
No.
It would be Zhang Zuolin's fault for failing to deliver despite the grace.
That was the scenario Chiang Kai-shek had in mind when sending him.
Mao Zedong, knowing his rival's scheme, played along perfectly.
Their views aligned on the point that negotiations were impossible anyway.
So why not cooperate with the enemy?
"Chairman, even if these talks fail, we must not aggressively attack the Nationalists for a while."
"I know that."
Doing so would provoke public backlash.
'Time is on our side anyway, so we can take it slow.'
Mao Zedong ordered to assign a few more women to Zhang Zuolin to ensure he had an even more enjoyable time.