Chapter 228
Chapter 228
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Confrontation with the Military
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After the Italian War, the U.S. military had been expanding relentlessly.
In the backdrop of the Cold War era, military spending trended ever upward, and the military's status and influence swelled grotesquely with each passing day.
The presidents who should have checked this military expansion were, unfortunately, either swayed by the military or cut from the same cloth.
Stevenson had been manipulated by the military into sparking the North bombing crisis, while Goldwater had personally ignited the Cuban crisis.
Under the presidents' neglect or tacit approval, the U.S. military that had built up its power came to wield strength worthy of being called the fourth branch of government.
"National security is the paramount value of the state."
The Cold War and the threat of nuclear war lent legitimacy to the military's security rhetoric.
Kennedy believed that to resolve this issue, he first needed to schedule a summit with Khrushchev.
"A dialogue with Khrushchev, you say?"
"We need to build common ground with their top leader if we're going to break out of the Cold War."
Kennedy's plan soon became known to the U.S. military.
At first, the military had been relieved by McNamara's appointment and Kennedy's moves, but upon learning this, they seethed with rage.
"This punk kid wants to talk with the reds?"
With the Soviets visibly straining under the arms race, does it make sense to give them breathing room right now?
Once you open that valve even a crack, the reds would regroup their forces and build up nuclear power aimed at mutual destruction with America—it was obvious.
So, who would that benefit?
A number of U.S. generals agreed with LeMay's thinking.
If he'd advocated for an all-out nuclear war like some madman, the generals might not have gone along so easily, but this was just a "moderate" call to keep the arms race going.
Even General Lyman Lemnitzer, the top man in the military hierarchy as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, backed continuing the arms race.
"Dialogue with the reds is impossible, and should not be allowed."
The U.S. military pushed this stance through op-eds by retired generals in the press.
"What kind of country is the Soviet Union we're dealing with? They were just Nazis who got lucky. In 1939, the Soviets teamed up with Germany to tear Poland apart. Then they invaded Finland and the Baltic states, and seized Bessarabia and northern Bukovina from Romania. They're the evil reds who joined hands with Hitler to carve up Europe."
"The reds' ambitions didn't stop after the war either. They loaded communist regimes onto freight trains and crushed nations yearning for democratization, propping up satellite states. How did originally democratic Poland and Czechoslovakia turn communist? Because of Soviet oppression."
"Even today, the reds haven't abandoned their ambitions. 100,000 tanks, an unimaginably massive army, enormous stockpiles of nuclear warheads and missiles, satellites—why do they have all that? They're waiting for us to let our guard down."
"Don't forget the countless reds uncovered in the 1950s. The moment we show weakness, the United States will fall to communist takeover."
The retired generals' op-eds were enough to shake American society.
But the military didn't stop there.
They also attacked Kennedy's détente plans through politicians who shared in the profits of the powerful military-industrial complex.
McCarthy took the lead in the military's offensive.
"The Democrats are a suspicious bunch. Why is it that every time one of them sits in the White House, pro-Soviet talk starts pouring out?"
"We've already poured astronomical sums into military spending. Why? It was an investment to bring down the reds. We're about to see the fruits of that labor—now they want to ease up on the chokehold? Who benefits from slowing the assault on the reds?"
Defense contractors joined the attack.
"Enough with this dialogue nonsense—let's nail shut any room for such foolish ideas."
"Let's build some lines into the Democratic side too."
The defense contractors launched widespread lobbying in the political sphere.
Unlike the original timeline, the defense firms raking in massive profits wielded ample influence over U.S. politics.
"I was worried too, seeing Kennedy naively sticking his hand out to the reds like some amateur. Put your minds at ease. On this issue, I'm with you."
"Thank you, Congressman."
"Cut the security budget? For whose benefit? Don't worry—I'll back you."
"You won't have to worry about this year's donations."
Caught off guard by the military-industrial complex's all-out assault, Kennedy faltered.
"Just for proposing a talk, and they're hitting us from politics, business, the media—every angle? Who's behind this? The Republicans?"
"We can't say for sure who's involved, but the military's definitely in there."
"The military?"
"Who else could mobilize retired generals like that?"
Only then did the president realize he'd misjudged the military.
It wasn't the leashed hunting dog from Truman's era anymore.
It was a wild stray roaming the fields, off the chain.
Kennedy acutely felt that the military's power was far beyond his imaginings.
"If we keep taking hits from all sides like this, I won't get anything done from the start of my term."
"Then how about a frontal assault, sir?"
"A frontal assault?"
"I've heard Korea's Prime Minister Lee Sung-jun frequently addresses the nation directly. Appeal straight to the people, convince them of the justice of it—couldn't that reverse the momentum the military's built?"
"Wage a PR war with the public."
It was one way.
"Let's do it."
No sooner had the president resolved himself than he stepped before the cameras.
When the president abruptly went on national TV, Americans gathered in groups around their sets.
Instead of a long-winded speech, Kennedy hammered home the necessity of this summit.
"My fellow Americans. We've spent too much in the Cold War. What has it gotten us? Our markets devastated by Korean goods, welfare slashed at home. Isn't it time to change a reality where yesterday's America was better than today's? To do that, we must compromise. We must talk with the Soviets. We must call for arms reductions. Only then can we grow the economy and restore our welfare."
"Old generals will say this logic is naive—that the Soviets are impossible to coexist with, untrustworthy. Some of you may agree. But think: the moment we deem coexistence impossible and push the button, our cities and families turn to ash. Is that a path rational humans can choose?"
"Moscow knows this too. If they didn't, they'd have pushed their button long ago. Through such experiences, we've learned coexistence with them is possible. So what's the reason we can't talk?"
This was rhetoric aimed squarely at the military.
"If you see the other side as some irredeemable monster and give up on communication, nothing can change."
Kennedy persuaded the nation in a calm tone.
The young president's bold gambit worked.
"There's no law saying you can't talk to the enemy. Even in wartime, envoys came and went."
Public opinion sided with the young president.
"Who knew the president would play it like that."
Now, the initiative had effectively passed to the young president.
"Sir. You've blocked the military's offensive—now it's time to show them who's boss."
Following his aides' advice, Kennedy decided to remind the rampaging military who was in charge.
"For my first military personnel move, I'll fire the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs and the service chiefs."
New presidents always reshuffled military leadership upon taking office.
"If Your Excellency commands it, I'll remove my uniform."
The generals offered no resistance to the president's personnel authority and bowed their necks.
The military had underestimated the young president, but the top leader's appointment power was no joke.
McNamara was confident the blade Kennedy wielded would have its effect.
"This personnel shakeup will scare the military straight."
"I hope so."
In response to Kennedy's exercise of personnel authority, the generals pledged obedience to the president.
But had they truly submitted to civilian control from the heart? No.
"Détente can go to hell."
The military, bloated over two decades, had no intention of bowing to a leader threatening their interests and influence.
"Kennedy can't stay that cocky forever. Right now his approval's high from public support, so he's strutting—but approval ratings aren't eternal, are they?"
"True, a young president's poll numbers won't last forever."
An inexperienced amateur president couldn't hold onto those numbers indefinitely anyway.
Kennedy wasn't a Lee Sung-jun; how could he?
At most one or two years, and the chance for counterattack would come.
Détente couldn't be achieved in that time regardless.
"Until then, let's play along with our amateur president's tune."
Taking the opening defeat as a lesson, the military decided to lie low for the time being.