Chapter 227
Chapter 227
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: 1960 U.S. Presidential Election
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Amid the escalating fervor of the U.S. presidential election, preparations for the Olympics were underway in Lausanne, Switzerland.
Unlike the original timeline, the Olympics were held in Lausanne because Italy lacked the capacity to host them due to the Italian War.
“Olympics? Are sports events really the priority right now?”
The Olympics themselves were an intriguing spectacle, but there was no time to focus on them.
Everyone was too busy paying attention to the U.S. presidential election—something incomparably more important politically than the Olympics.
From July 11 to 15, 1960, at the Democratic National Convention, Kennedy was nominated as the Democratic presidential candidate.
The moment he was nominated, Kennedy unleashed a barrage against the Goldwater administration.
“Goldwater squandered massive military spending. And what did it achieve? On the ground, we’re overwhelmed by Soviet tanks; in space, we’re outpaced by Soviet satellites. Right in our own backyard, we’re being devastated by Korean goods. A second-rate nation sandwiched between Korea and the Soviets! The America Goldwater has left us is no longer a great country.”
Goldwater didn’t just sit there taking it.
“What peace guaranteed by the United States has been shaken? Europe enjoys peace and prosperity. The reds are still confined to a corner of their narrow continent. Satellites? We’ve made them too. Missiles? We’re making more than they are. Korean goods? If there are alternatives as cheap and high-quality as theirs, please tell me. Don’t our people have the right to choose such good products?”
The verbal sparring between the two sides was relentlessly broadcast worldwide through every media outlet.
The matchup itself was dead even.
Even though Goldwater was criticized for his record, he had the black vote—a solid bedrock of support like concrete.
Kennedy was no pushover either.
Kennedy had the backing of Catholics, the concrete religious bloc.
Kennedy and Goldwater went back and forth all through August.
Contrary to KCIA predictions, Goldwater proved tougher than expected.
No, he had real depth.
“Racist bigots can’t be allowed to win.”
Fear that the Republicans might lose galvanized black and Hispanic voters, sending Goldwater’s approval ratings surging.
In response, Kennedy went on the offensive.
“Goldwater always says security comes first. But that’s not what our people want to hear. Jobs and living costs come first. It’s the economy, stupid.”
Kennedy’s attacks landed hard.
White working-class voters, wary of Korean goods dominating the market, began showing support for Kennedy.
“As the young guy says, it’s the economy. Honestly, what does it matter to us what happens in Europe?”
As Democratic voters coalesced, the race plunged back into a deadlock.
To break the impasse, Kennedy rolled out policies that would have been unthinkable before.
A flurry of progressive healthcare initiatives poured out.
Subsidies for hospital equipment upgrades, treatment programs for retired seniors, federal funding for medical schools and hospital construction!
“Kennedy, that red, is trying to ruin the country.”
The Republican Party viewed Kennedy’s progressive policies with intense resentment.
In truth, it wasn’t just the Republicans.
The military-industrial complex, led by the U.S. military establishment, harbored the same animosity toward Kennedy.
“Cut military spending?”
“That’s just hot air from some young punk. What era does he think this is, talking about reducing the defense budget?”
The military dismissed Kennedy’s calls for military cuts and economic growth as naive nonsense disconnected from reality.
Even if Kennedy became president, they had no intention of obeying such orders.
Defense contractors, lobbyists, and politicians tied to the military thought the same.
“Who’s he to cut the defense budget?”
No matter what Kennedy said, military spending wouldn’t be reduced.
It was they, not the president, who bore responsibility for U.S. security.
“Our thinking is U.S. security policy.”
They expressed their resentment through donations to the Republicans.
“Your Excellency must win the presidency.”
“Thank you.”
As September drew to a close, the clash between the two camps reached a fever pitch.
They tore into each other in four televised debates.
“If you block Korean goods, how do you plan to meet the people’s demand?”
“Who said block them all? I’m just saying their exports are excessive, so let’s discuss it appropriately.”
“If we start building walls, we’ll slide back into bloc economies. Have you forgotten what monster emerged in the 1930s when everyone built walls?”
“I never mentioned bloc economies. Don’t change the subject.”
Every clash drew TV viewership over 60%.
The average was 63%.
It was proof of how intensely the American public cared about this election.
Goldwater pushed back with his prepared arguments, but the young candidate didn’t yield easily.
Instead, he occasionally struck Goldwater with sharp logic.
“You always dodge the point, so let me ask today: How many countries on Earth spend 10% of their national budget on defense?”
“CIA estimates say the Soviets spend 20%.”
“You need to talk totals. Isn’t our 10% more than their 20%? And when you add our allies’ spending, we far surpass the Eastern Bloc.”
Kennedy’s logic was straightforward.
Aren’t we overspending on defense beyond what’s necessary?
Goldwater privately agreed the spending was excessive.
But he couldn’t admit it out loud.
The debates ended in what felt like a draw, but the public didn’t see it that way.
Goldwater failed to shatter the “not-so-great America” frame.
After this final debate, the scales tipped decisively.
“Kennedy! Kennedy!”
Goldwater tried to turn the tables with a grueling schedule—sleeping only four hours a day—but it wasn’t enough.
The results of the November 8, 1960, election didn’t stray far from predictions.
Goldwater edged ahead in the popular vote thanks to overwhelming black and Hispanic support, but he lost the Electoral College.
The electoral tally was 280 to 242 in Kennedy’s favor.
Goldwater watched the election coverage and spoke at 3 a.m.
“Maybe Kennedy’s won. But he should remember he lost too.”
Rather than a concession speech, Goldwater left an ambiguous statement and ended the press conference.
Kennedy celebrated his victory.
“Congratulations, President-elect.”
“Thanks to all your hard work.”
After encouraging his staff, Kennedy delivered his victory speech.
There, he made clear the direction America would take.
“America must be great again. We will reclaim our former glory in space and in the markets. To do that, we must examine where we’re wasting money.”
In his speech, Kennedy hinted at military cuts.
On a broad level, Kennedy’s policy stance suggested the possibility of moving beyond the Cold War.
“Ending the Cold War by one man’s power? Please.”
Everyone scoffed at the idea.
A young president with little government experience and no authority, somehow taming the hawkish military?
That was the prevailing view.
But Kennedy had his own plans.
“I just need to bring in a hunting dog to leash the military for me.”
There were candidates for the role.
Kennedy decided to reappoint Robert Lovett, Truman’s Secretary of Defense.
If Robert Lovett, who had handled the military under Truman, took the job, he could tame those wild dogs.
Kennedy was confident, but Lovett turned down the offer.
“Robert McNamara is better suited.”
“Why is that?”
“To align with Your Excellency’s vision of arms reduction, you need a management expert.”
That was Robert McNamara.
Kennedy summoned Ford’s president, Robert McNamara, and offered him the Secretary of Defense position.
Surprisingly, McNamara declined.
“I’m not up to the task.”
“I didn’t graduate from president school either.”
Under Kennedy’s insistence, McNamara accepted.
“Nominating a Republican for Secretary of Defense? Kennedy hasn’t lost his mind after all.”
The military felt reassured, figuring that despite Kennedy’s rhetoric on cuts, he wouldn’t make real moves.
McNamara’s appointment created that illusion.
But Kennedy had no intention of compromising with the military.
“Let me be clear: We need to halve the defense budget.”
“They won’t sit still for that.”
“If they can’t accept it, strip their uniforms.”
Confirming Kennedy’s hardline stance, McNamara began preparing defense reduction plans.
Of course, they couldn’t slash the budget the moment the president took office.
Reducing military spending required first securing a tight leash on the military.
Neither McNamara nor Kennedy was unaware of that.
But they believed that with the administration’s firm will, controlling the military wouldn’t be hard.
After all, this was the United States, a nation founded on the principle of civilian control.