Chapter 147
Chapter 147
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Empire of Ghosts (1)
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The Federal Republic of West Germany had pulled the Soviet Union's aggro right from the moment of its birth.
West Germany's first chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, declared that he could not accept the Oder River border decided by the Allies.
“We Germans alone have the right to decide the fate of our homeland. Germany's borders shall not retreat even 1 cm from those of 1937.”
Adenauer's hardline stance provoked a fierce reaction from Moscow.
“Don't spout such nonsense, you defeated nation.”
Molotov condemned Germany in strong terms.
Poland was foaming at the mouth as well.
“This is rightful territory earned through the Nazi crimes that slaughtered 20% of our population!”
But Adenauer didn't even scoff.
With over ten million expellees' votes to consider, there could be no compromise on this issue.
Of course, the enemies Germany had to face weren't just the Soviets and Poland.
Adenauer knew that vast amounts of technology, equipment, and talent had been plundered amid the chaos of the war's final stages and the early occupation, and he lodged informal protests with the nations responsible.
He couldn't protest openly due to Germany's position as a former enemy state.
The Anglo-Americans responded to Adenauer's complaints like this:
“Ah, those were people who came of their own volition. What can you do about immigrants? As for the equipment they brought, we only examined it to verify its nature. We'll return it if you want.”
At least they responded with some civility.
But Korea wasn't so gentlemanly.
Their explanations were utterly perfunctory.
“What? Those people are in Korea? If they're there, then they're there, I suppose. Equipment? Is there a law saying it was definitely developed in Germany? You say it was? I wouldn't know. Must be a coincidence.”
Adenauer felt a surge of rage at Korea's brazen attitude.
Thieving bastards.
And yet, Germany couldn't vent its anger at Korea.
The opponent was a great power on the verge of claiming the world's third spot.
Clashing with Korea would only hurt Berlin.
Adenauer decided to bide his time for now.
Korea might be riding high at the moment, but the day would come when it tumbled down.
On that day, he would make them pay dearly for today's insults.
But soon enough, Adenauer realized that domestic issues took precedence over foreign ones.
Not some trivial matter like the economy.
In the heart of Germany, barely risen from the ruins, the Nazis were attempting a revival.
“National Socialist Homeland Party? These guys are Nazis through and through.”
Adenauer was aghast at the Nazis' reemergence.
Federal Justice Minister Thomas Dehler demanded strong action on the matter.
“If we let these bastards be, they'll start screaming about a Fourth Reich and pull more insane stunts.”
Adenauer agreed with Dehler, but he had no immediate means to act.
If it were the old days, the Allied High Commissioners' Federal Constitutional Protection Agency would have rounded up the Nazis, but West Germany had been established in such haste that no such agency existed yet.
Catching Nazis would have to rely purely on legal means.
Thomas Dehler cautiously offered an opinion.
“What if we dissolve the party?”
Federal Interior Minister Gustav Heinemann voiced opposition.
“That could be unconstitutional.”
Adenauer racked his brains.
“For now, have the Interior Ministry start surveillance. If we know what schemes they're hatching, we can crush them later, right?”
“Understood.”
And so, the German government began monitoring the National Socialist Homeland Party.
Once they actually started surveilling the Nazis, Germany got a strange feeling.
“Where have I heard the crap these guys are spouting before?”
Talk of one nation, one leader—well, that was fascism's trademark, so fine.
“Efficient governance under a strong leader! Orderly economic growth proceeding in perfect harmony beneath! Order and stability guarantee prosperity! Substance over form! We must pursue real democracy, not empty shells!”
Substance over form.
From that damned slogan, the German police realized the truth.
“What these bastards are claiming is exactly what the Koreans claim.”
Surprisingly, the German Nazis were fervent adherents of Lee Seong-jun's Korean-style democracy.
“If you want to see the future of Germany under the National Socialist Homeland Party, turn your gaze to Korea. There you can witness the pinnacle of prosperity achievable by an orderly society.”
The Nazis openly invoked their supposed enemy, Korea.
Shouldn't they beat around the bush like the fascists in France or Britain?
Not at all.
The Nazis had already ruined their country once.
And they'd drained it bone-dry.
What use was pride to Nazis who'd fallen that low?
What the Nazis wanted to say was this:
“We're switching to the path Lee Seong-jun is showing, so support us. We're both fascists at heart anyway, so who better to imitate him than us?”
Surprisingly, it was persuasive.
“Remer! Remer! The one voice to save the fatherland!”
Crowds in the streets cheered for General Remer.
Seeing countless people applauding the man who had crushed the Valkyrie coup and extended Hitler's life, the German police felt bewildered.
Was this really the Germany they lived in?
But this was stark reality.
The Nazis had expanded their forces enough to hold street demonstrations nationwide less than a month after their official founding ceremony.
“Make Germany great again!”
“The only alternative to save Germany from disorder! Support for the Socialist Homeland Party!”
To be precise, it was former Nazi Party members and supporters nostalgic for the Nazis who gathered, but it was still an enormous achievement.
Adenauer felt perplexed by the situation.
The Eastern Bloc was already mocking Germany for the Nazis' resurgence.
“Look at that. We thought the Third Reich was done away with last night, but there's a place where Nazi ghosts strut about in broad daylight.”
“It was the same in Weimar days. Back then, weren't ghosts called Junkers ruling Germany?”
“Just wait. Those guys will slap on a Fourth Reich label and rearm.”
To resolve the situation, Adenauer consulted the Allied High Commissioners.
Lee Je-dong, director and Korean High Commissioner, responded to the consultation with this advice for Adenauer.
“Your Excellency. Do we really need to go the long way around to catch the enemy right in front of our eyes? Sometimes, the simplest solution is best.”
“What do you mean?”
“In Korea, we handle those traitorous scum like that by sweeping them up down to the last speck of dust and bundling them off.”
That was possible because it was Korea.
Adenauer wanted to say as much, but honestly, he had no better option.
If they stayed idle, the world would fall to the Nazis.
“I'd like to hear that method.”
Shortly after, the German Federal Police made emergency arrests of several figures around Remer.
“Huh? What crime have we committed?”
“Shut your mouths, you Red bastards.”
The German police latched onto the fact that these were Nazis originating from the Strasserist left wing of the party and tied them to the Red issue.
“You're Red sympathizers, aren't you?”
Indeed, the Socialist Homeland Party's charter advocated reconciliation and alliance with the Soviet Union.
The German police targeted that very point.
Frankly, it was something no democratic government should do, but with Nazis being such a dangerous breed, Adenauer had no choice.
Better a bit of mud on his honor than tolerating Nazis and dragging Germany into a third world war quagmire.
“Round them all up.”
Adenauer designated the Socialist Homeland Party as a hotbed of fifth columnists.
“What? The Homeland Party guys were Soviet-worshipping pseudo-Reds?”
“Not Korean-style democracy followers?”
At the mention of the Soviets, people swiftly cut ties with the Socialist Homeland Party as if doused in ice water.
Otto Ernst Remer protested the Red-baiting injustice.
“I'll accept being called a Nazi. But a Red? I was a soldier who fought the Reds!”
Of course, Remer's defense didn't make it into even a single line in the papers.
This, too, was the handiwork of the Adenauer government.
Having tried the technique of framing innocents, the Adenauer government found it surprisingly effective.
Democracy was certainly the right ideology, but there was no need to extend its umbrella to enemies threatening it.
“No mercy for Reds or Nazis.”
Under this new slogan, the Adenauer government established the Federal Constitutional Protection Agency.
The agency's first act upon formation was to issue a dissolution order for the Socialist Homeland Party.
“No! Party dissolution is going too far!”
Party leader Remer protested vehemently, but the German government didn't bat an eye.
“The only good Nazi is a dead Nazi. So crawl to the bottom of society and die quietly.”
And so, the Socialist Homeland Party met its end.
But giving up there wouldn't be Nazi-like.
“We'll just start over.”
The Socialist Homeland Party reformed under Fritz Dorls as leader, renaming itself the Socialist Imperial Unification Party.
They didn't even change the ideology or slogans.
“Fine, we'll smash it again.”
The Constitutional Protection Agency swung the iron fist once more.
In Germany, the Nazis thus died and revived repeatedly.
The German government thought this solved the problem, but things didn't resolve so easily.
“It's a shame good ideas get buried because of those guys' backgrounds. Honestly, Korean-style democracy is the best way for Germany to rise again.”
Postwar Junkers, who had been keeping quiet, grew intrigued by Lee Seong-jun-style democracy.
The scent of militarism and totalitarianism lurking beneath the mask of democracy, and a dictatorship easy for Germans to grasp.
The Junkers immediately stepped in to replace the Nazis and founded a party.
Erich von Manstein, the patriarch of the Junkers, became a founding promoter and named the party.
“German Yushin Association.”
Adenauer wanted to faint.
That damned ghost of Lee Seong-jun.
It seemed Germany was fated to be haunted by Lee Seong-jun's specter until it self-destructed in a third world war.