Chapter 146
Chapter 146
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Berlin Blockade (2)
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It definitely carried the strong flavor of the Cold War.
This was the kind of snarling standoff between the US and USSR that made it feel real.
"Your Excellency, if this escalates into a direct clash between the US and USSR, it'll be a disaster. Don't we need to prepare for wartime readiness ourselves?"
The military expressed their concerns, but I saw things differently.
"Why fear the Berlin Blockade? It's obvious both sides are terrified of actual conflict."
The Soviet Union and the United States were showing open friction but holding back from direct confrontation.
The fact they weren't intercepting American transport planes was proof.
As long as they avoided all-out war, this US-USSR rivalry was nothing but good for Korea.
The higher the tension, the more desperately they'd need our support.
Heh.
Listen to that sound of Korea's value skyrocketing.
In just a few days, I received dozens of cables from Stalin and Truman.
They asked if we'd back them in a crisis, cooperate as needed, or mediate if things went south.
The world's top two powers were scrambling to win me over.
This was Korea's weight class now.
At this level, our standing surpassed even Britain, the third-largest aid recipient.
Anyway, with our value at its peak, it seemed fine for the cool-headed mediator, Prime Minister Lee Seong-jun, to step in before the Soviets waved the white flag.
I moved to resolve the Berlin crisis, where tensions between the US and USSR were razor-sharp.
"General Secretary Stalin, I fully understand Your Excellency's concerns. You're worried the Western talk of a 'behind-the-scenes conspiracy' might turn into a siege against the Soviet Union. As a fair mediator, the Republic of Korea will step in to ease the friction between the communist bloc and the free world. Do we have your agreement?"
"I trust Prime Minister Lee will decide fairly."
Stalin, whose prestige was eroding in real time, readily accepted my proposal.
Secretary General, now you owe me one.
I sent a cable to Truman as well.
"President Truman, Your Excellency now knows the Soviet Union has seen the West's resolve and capability. Pushing further to humiliate Moscow at this juncture risks unpredictable outbursts from their side. Driving Stalin into a corner could make things messy."
Truman, clearly concerned, asked how I planned to mediate.
My terms were simple.
"The US halts airlift operations, and the Soviets allow land access after one week. The US declares victory, the Soviets issue a warning and withdraw. It gives both sides room to save face."
"Not a bad deal."
Both sides soon agreed to my mediation plan.
It went smoothly because they were both looking for an off-ramp.
The compromise lifted the Berlin Blockade that had dragged on for months.
Time magazine promptly named me Man of the Year.
"Prime Minister Lee Seong-jun, Savior of Berlin. The giant of the international community, Lee Seong-jun, has saved humanity from the brink of world war."
Ridiculous accolades piled up after my name.
The US did the work, the Soviets made the call, but I took all the credit.
"Your Excellency, your name may even make the Nobel Peace Prize shortlist this year. Congratulations."
Nobel Peace Prize?
Pass.
I had no interest in empty honors.
The time spent chasing that could process ten thousand more documents.
In any case, the Soviet-initiated Berlin crisis had thoroughly rattled the Western Allies.
President Truman, seizing the moment, proposed merging the German occupation zones into a "West Germany" to solidify Western Europe's security.
"Let's combine our German occupation zones. Who knows what tricks the reds might pull next."
Britain and France, already blaming communists for messing up their colonial wars, jumped on board.
Burning with revenge, Paris and London didn't hesitate.
"Fine by us, we're in favor."
Soon after, they proposed we do the same with our zone.
'Now what?'
This wasn't a trivial matter.
It was about whether to build a bulwark for Western Europe's defense or not.
Bowing out here would be like declaring, "We're not part of the free world."
That would end our sweet deal of sucking honey from Western markets.
This was a real headache.
'Merging our zone into West Germany would piss off the Soviets.'
The hard part of playing both sides was moments like this, when you had to pick a team.
Even twenty-first-century South Korea suffered between the US and China.
Security or economy?
That was the question.
Too big to decide alone, I summoned the Foreign Minister.
New Foreign Minister Kim Seong-su jumped straight in after hearing me out.
"Your Excellency, this time we must side with the US."
"Why?"
"Because the Soviets can never afford to cut us loose."
The West could dump us if they truly saw coexistence as impossible.
It would be tough, but not out of the question.
The Pacific Ocean made it feasible between us and America.
But the Soviets, sharing a long border with us, couldn't.
Declaring us enemies would saddle them with immediate, massive burdens.
I grasped Kim Seong-su's logic right away.
"Even if relations sour a bit, we can repair ties with the Soviets. So better to sacrifice the recoverable side. Is that right?"
"Yes, Your Excellency. Moscow might grumble, but they won't dare cut us off."
From that angle, there was no real dilemma.
Still, we should at least notify the Soviets.
They were nominal allies; we owed them that much courtesy.
"General Secretary Stalin, Your Excellency, Korea has decided to back the West on the German issue."
I sweetened it with a promise to support their side on the Austrian question.
I'd already saved their face before, so don't get too mad.
The Soviets responded immediately.
"Your Excellency! Absolutely not. Decades of history prove how dangerous a unified Germany is. For world peace, the division must stand. Please reconsider."
But my decision was final.
Despite Soviet protests, I helped launch the Federal Republic of Germany.
On February 9, 1949, the Federal Republic of Germany—West Germany—appeared on the map.
The territory matched the original timeline, but national power lagged a bit.
We'd siphoned off German population and stolen quite a bit of industrial capacity.
Still, a Germany was a Germany.
West Germany rocketed to Europe's fourth power right out of the gate.
Give them a little time, and they'd surpass Britain and France—second place was already reserved.
'Stalin had good reason to fear Germany.'
West Germany's emergence provoked Stalin.
In response, he rebranded his occupation zone as the German Democratic Republic.
'Shouldn't a communist state be a People's Republic?'
The question crossed my mind, but that was East Germany's official name anyway.
With West and East Germany now real, Italy's split solidified too.
Stalin, bitter over losing on Germany, recognized the "North Italian People's Republic."
"Our steely comrade Secretary General is pissed. He's really going off the rails."
We'd agreed to recognize it only as a de facto regime, but outright state approval was a declaration of war.
Of course, the West wouldn't go to war with the Soviets over it.
But the friction level had clearly risen.
'If the Soviets get nukes, proxy wars will pop up everywhere. That's probably why Moscow flooded North Italy with arms from the start.'
I smelled war brewing.
First, I checked the powder keg.
"What's the armament situation in North Italy?"
The Intelligence Agency, hiring ex-Nazis and locals, had British-level intel on Central Europe.
They weren't great at ops, but intel flow matched London's.
"Based on current reports, the North Italian People's Army has about 250,000 troops. Mostly Soviet gear, with a massive armored force of over 1,000 T-34s."
Smaller than original North Korea's manpower, but armor was on another level.
Their war prep wasn't even complete.
"And the Southern Kingdom?"
"Their troop numbers match the North's. Tanks are weaker—500 mixed US, French, and British models."
Better than South Korea's setup.
They wouldn't collapse in one hit even if ambushed.
Anglo-Franco-American support wasn't empty talk.
But more Soviet dumps could flip the script.
Of course, stronger Northern forces didn't guarantee war.
'It all comes down to North Italy's leader deciding on war, and that's the ambiguous part.'
Considering North Italy's boss Palmiro Togliatti's temperament, he wouldn't pull a Kim Il-sung.
Unless a communist fascist replaced him, North Italy wouldn't start a war—but you never know.
I ordered heightened attention to Italy.