Chapter 124
Chapter 124
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Regime Propaganda (2)
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“Our government’s Korean-style democracy, which you say is flawed, is still engaging in dialogue with the people. Is our liberal democracy, where politicians only come around begging for votes during elections, really true democracy?”
They focused on Yi Seong-jun’s slogan of prioritizing “substance” over “form.”
What good were perfect laws if they weren’t put into practice?
In the end, it was people who made them real.
Compared to a liberal democracy that didn’t even pretend to listen to the people’s voices, Yi Seong-jun’s mass democracy might actually be closer to the real thing.
The ones amplifying these voices were, ironically, the fascists.
Britain’s fascists had lost momentum after fascism’s downfall, but when Yi Seong-jun proposed Korean-style democracy as a new path, they quickly shifted their rhetoric and jumped on board.
Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists regained its vigor in one fell swoop.
In the original timeline, they would have naturally faded away, but with Korea as a concrete example, it became easy to persuade people.
“We need to tear down this hollow shell of a democracy too. We must champion true democracy, democracy that listens to the people’s voices, true British-style democracy!”
“Right! Substance over form!”
What they called British-style democracy was essentially just a knockoff of Korean-style democracy.
The British government was caught off guard by the fascists’ voices suddenly flaring up like wildfire.
“What the hell? They saw Hitler lose, so why are those bastards stirring up trouble again?”
“Their role model isn’t Germany anymore. It’s Korea.”
Anthony Eden was stunned when he heard that.
“Huh, Korea?”
Ironically, this wasn’t happening only in Britain.
In America, fascists were gaining momentum too.
Pro-Nazi groups that had preached white supremacy began mimicking Yi Seong-jun’s Korean-style democracy, if only to clean up their image.
Of course, they never admitted to copying him.
“Substance over form! Let’s dismantle the plutocracy of the United States and realize true democracy by the American people!”
The FBI was thrown into confusion by the sudden rise of Korean-style democracy.
“Why the hell are those bastards imitating Korea?”
There was a reason.
Fascists saw Korean-style democracy as a variant of totalitarianism, so they embraced it easily.
Its political form was a dictatorship they could readily accept.
And that wasn’t all.
Korean-style democracy prioritized the state’s survival and stability over individual rights.
It had almost everything fascism wanted, and it was a thriving success story—how could they dismiss it just because an Easterner proposed it?
Hoover found the situation absurd but didn’t respond immediately.
Unlike in Britain, most American fascist groups had been crushed by the FBI, so their influence was still weak.
But as advocates of Korean-style democracy multiplied even in the heartlands of liberalism—Britain and America—interest began to grow in Asia, Africa, and across the Americas.
It was mostly in countries with weak foundations or leaders dreaming of building new nations.
They took interest in Yi Seong-jun’s Korean-style democracy and scrutinized everything about him.
“Oh, Korea is our blueprint.”
Yi Seong-jun-style democratic dictatorship, economic growth model, diplomacy, cult of personality, military control.
He was showing them the path to absolute power and a stable state.
“We need to learn from Korea.”
Some of them visited Korea in person instead of sending envoys.
Jawaharlal Nehru was one such figure.
Nehru toured various parts of Korea under the Korean government’s gracious hospitality.
Among them was the Korean National Assembly.
‘It’s a bit disappointing that Korea has a unicameral legislature instead of bicameral, but it’s still worth referencing.’
Nehru sat in the Korean National Assembly, observing the assemblymen.
Soon, as the session began, Assemblyman Yoo Hyuk-hoe strode up and submitted a bill to the Speaker.
“This is in accordance with Your Excellency’s directives.”
Nehru was shocked by the sight.
“Th-the executive issuing orders to the legislature doesn’t violate the separation of powers?”
The Korean interpreter chuckled at Nehru’s question.
“Korea values substance over rigid procedures. If it’s necessary for state affairs, the executive can give directives. If the people are starving, who sheds bloody tears while we drag our feet over formalities?”
Obviously, the people.
Of course, the bills pushed by Assemblyman Yoo Hyuk-hoe weren’t really for the people.
The interpreter didn’t mention that inconvenient truth.
“Substance over form.”
After observing Korea’s democratic system, Nehru solidified one thought in his mind.
‘When you think about it, it’s unrealistic to expect a legislature to function properly in a massive country like India. Having a strong leader like Yi Seong-jun at the center, directing the assembly, might actually be more advantageous for national development.’
Whether that could really work in India was another matter, but Nehru felt a desire to inject Yi Seong-jun-style democracy into his country.
Nehru wasn’t the only one who felt this way.
Manuel Quezon, the Commonwealth of the Philippines on a state visit to Korea, was also deeply impressed by Yi Seong-jun’s governing philosophy.
What struck him most was the “bloodless purge.”
‘Philippine regional bosses are a serious problem too.’
The Philippines was a sort of oligarchic aristocracy dominated by a dozen great families.
To Yusin-ize the country like Korea, sweeping away those bosses was essential.
Manuel Quezon sought answers from Yi Seong-jun during their meeting.
“If Your Excellency were to govern the Philippines, how would you reform this country?”
Yi Seong-jun seemed to ponder for a moment before replying with a serious expression.
“Start with a war on crime.”
“Pardon?”
“That way, you gain popularity and the power to purge your rivals.”
Yi Seong-jun explained Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s rise to power.
A ruthless public security prosecutor who massacred over a thousand people without trials.
But that massacre allowed Duterte to become mayor, then president, and rule the Philippines as he pleased.
For the current Philippines, Duterte-style brutality might suit better than elegant rhetoric.
“War on crime.”
Manuel Quezon mulled over Yi Seong-jun’s advice.
“Once you crush them from the bottom up and gain strength, you’ll have the power to push your politics forward as you wish.”
Just like Duterte.
Manuel Quezon thanked Yi Seong-jun for the advice and expressed his intent to bloom Korean-style democracy in the Philippines too.
“I look forward to it.”
Not long after, Wang Jingwei of China visited Korea.
The official purpose was to confirm Sino-Korean friendship, but the real content was different.
Upon arriving in Pyongyang, Wang Jingwei immediately grabbed Yi Seong-jun’s coattails.
“Your Excellency, we want Korean-style democracy too.”
For the fragile Wang Jingwei regime, which could face challenges at any moment, building a stable base was more important than anything.
“It might be difficult for Director Wang.”
How could a puppet regime borrow elements of mass democracy to win popular support?
But Wang Jingwei whined so persistently that Seong-jun shared some know-how.
“Then do it like this.”
Wang Jingwei decided to hold dialogues with the people, Korean-style.
However, all letters were pre-censored to include only favorable content.
“A leader must know how to take some abuse and endure it.”
Following Yi Seong-jun’s advice, Wang Jingwei deliberately took some insults.
It was a tactic borrowed from Russian dictator Vladimir Putin.
“You puppet! No matter how much you imitate Yi Seong-jun, you’re still just a puppet!”
“I’m sorry. But I believed this path was for the people of the Republic of China. Indeed, the people of Jiangnan are enjoying peace without fear of war. I value substance over form, real benefits over face. Even if I’m cursed as a puppet, if I can bring stability to the people of Jiangnan, I’ll gladly take the stones.”
Through these dialogues, Wang Jingwei defended his position and pretended to listen to public opinion.
Gradually, even the initially cold Chinese people began to change their minds.
“Wang Jingwei is a filthy puppet, sure, but isn’t he better than the warlords and communists who ignore the people’s livelihood and just fight endlessly?”
“He’s dirty, but he’s not entirely wrong.”
By comparison with its rivals, the Wang Jingwei regime succeeded in creating legitimacy.
Seeing China’s Yusin regime take root like this made Japan’s Tokugawa anxious.
With imperial scandals already fueling calls to abolish the monarchy, Japan’s unifying force was weakening by the day.
Before things became irreversible, Japan needed to adopt Korean-style democracy and build a strong Yusin state.
Tokugawa Yoshimitsu quickly pushed forward with dialogues between the Japanese people and the shogun.
“His Excellency the Prince said he would create a new Japan—what exactly do you envision?”
Tokugawa wasn’t without desire for a strong centralized state like Korea’s.
But reality had to be acknowledged.
“United States of Japan! A federation where the domains become states. That’s our vision of a new Japan.”
The General Staff didn’t block Tokugawa’s moves.
After all, the domains wouldn’t obediently comply just because he stirred things up.
After Japan, more countries and groups steadily cried out for Korean-style democracy.
The world could no longer deny it.
There was a third alternative, neither liberal democracy nor communism: Korean-style democracy.
Thus, Korea began to assert its presence as the world’s third superpower.