Chapter 123
Chapter 123
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Regime Propaganda (1)
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On October 1, 1944, as the Allied forces hammered away at the Siegfried Line, a horrific massacre unfolded in the small East Prussian village of Nemmersdorf.
Soviet troops stormed the village, gang-raping every woman they could find before nailing them to barn doors or slaughtering them in other gruesome ways.
They showed no mercy to the men, children, or even the captured POWs dragged there.
Of course, this was according to the Nazi German investigation, so it was impossible to know if the Soviets had truly committed such atrocities.
Germany's Propaganda Minister Goebbels dubbed it the "Nemmersdorf Massacre" and broadcast it across the entire Reich.
The propaganda machine's relentless drumbeat about Soviet barbarity was enough to terrify even those Germans who had been living relatively peacefully amid the war.
"If the Soviets capture you, women get raped and men get killed."
Many Germans enlisted in the Wehrmacht to fend off that nightmare, but even more abandoned their villages and fled west.
It affected soldiers fighting on the Eastern and Western Fronts too.
"Remember Nemmersdorf. Vengeful Ivans are coming."
Even those who had previously laughed off Korean propaganda swallowed hard once the Nemmersdorf horrors spread.
The more they held out, the more of the Reich's east fell into Ivan hands—doubts crept in among the troops: Was fighting on really worth it?
It was an unintended backlash for the German authorities.
Through Schellenberg, I learned of these reactions within Germany and became convinced the bunker ending was near.
If even the Germans themselves were starting to doubt continuing the war, Hitler's downfall was only a matter of time.
"A report just in from the Foreign Ministry. The Bulgarian government has left the Axis alliance and declared war on Germany. Hungary's defection seems inevitable too."
Just as expected.
With Germany crumbling like that, why would the Hungarians want to keep fighting?
Of course, Germany wouldn't just sit idly by and let Hungary go.
They'd try to crush them by force, just like Poland.
"By spring next year, this war will be over."
A conclusion much like Poland's.
The Axis powers' doom was obvious to anyone.
Perfect timing.
"This is our chance to uproot militarism once and for all."
I decided to address the nation via radio.
"Your Excellency, you're on."
As the broadcast signal flashed, I cleared my throat and began my speech.
Best to start with the tone of a teacher imparting wisdom.
"Respected citizens of Korea. As the war draws to a close, our enemies have proven just how base and undignified they truly are. The pack of jackals that banded together to carve up the world for profit now abandons its comrades and flees in panic at the moment of reckoning. What do you suppose is the reason for that?"
What else could it be? The war had turned against them.
But I didn't pause for breath just to state the obvious.
"They lack a righteous cause. If the Axis powers truly believed they were in the right, they wouldn't be putting on such a disgraceful show. They know it themselves—they aren't just. That's why they collapse and betray their allies at the slightest disadvantage."
Of course, it wasn't just a slight disadvantage.
If they didn't cut their losses now, they'd go down with Germany—who'd stick around for that madness?
In Earth's history, only Paraguay during the War of the Triple Alliance had shown that level of insanity.
"We must take them as a lesson. A nation without justice, without a greater cause, cannot fight to the end. Even with the power to fight, it will crumble from within. Do you want Korea to become such a feeble nation?"
Of course, power mattered far more than justice—several times over.
Why else would Ukraine, morally and ideologically in the right, be forced into a disadvantage against a larger Russia?
Because the international order boils down to might makes right.
Still, there was a reason I invoked principles.
This was tailor-made education for our militarists.
"Korea must not end up like them. To avoid that, we must shed the pointless greed that drove the Axis. Why should we indulge in endless expansion like they did? We already have so much: vast Manchuria and the Korean Peninsula, Pacific colonies. With just our homeland's potential, we're a contender for top-three great power status. What more do we need?"
Manchuria was plenty.
This was the message I always wanted to drill into the militarists.
"Should we gamble the nation's fate like Hitler? Fertilize distant fields with millions of our citizens? Isn't it enough already?"
I'd delivered more than enough for the Empire.
Puppet regimes in China, a seat among the Big Four, a diplomatic position that kept us from isolation.
What more did they want?
More territory?
Laughable.
With decolonization and the clash of ideologies on the horizon, colonies wouldn't last—what good were extra flabs?
"Korea must learn contentment. We must reject baseless greed like the Axis's. Only then can we survive—only then can we avoid Germany's fate."
Nobody wanted a four-way partition like Germany.
"Respected citizens. I, Lee Seong-jun, promise you this: Industry over colonies! Economy over war! Prosperity over expansion! I will make all of Korea prosperous. Trust in me, Lee Seong-jun."
I promised them Japan's Bubble Era glamour—the era of 100 million in the middle class—for Korea (though our population was only 50 million).
After the address, letters flooded the Prime Minister's residence.
"Your Excellency. Your speech moved me deeply. Listening to you, I realized how foolish I'd been. Territory means nothing compared to our livelihoods—such an obvious truth, and I'd forgotten it. Thank you."
From a worker reflecting on his militarist zeal,
To
"Your Excellency. The Empire cannot survive future competition without uniting East Asia. Merging China and Japan would create an empire rivaling America—why abandon the dream of a Great East Asia Federation?"
From a conservative militarist still clinging to old dreams.
Opinions poured in from all walks of life.
Seeing the public's fervor, one idea struck me.
This could make a great event.
I pitched it to the radio station.
Soon, a program was born.
"Conversations with the Korean People."
It featured me and key government officials reading letters from citizens and replying.
In a way, it was a scripted show.
Security had screened the letters beforehand, weeding out anything sensitive.
Even so, the format thrilled the public.
"Prime Minister Lee Seong-jun's bold move: Conversations with the People."
Every front page splashed with "Conversations with the Korean People."
I replied to each letter with care.
Mostly refuting militarism while subtly endorsing democracy.
It broadened my support base while signaling that Korean-style democracy was still democracy's kin.
"Your Excellency. I'd like to learn more about the democracy you mentioned."
Now that people could directly question the head of state, they started asking me anything.
"Korean-style democracy is democracy tailored to Korea's realities. Look at Europe. They had the world's most democratic Weimar Constitution—and what monster came out of it? Hitler. A good constitution on paper is nice, but substance matters. Understand Korean democracy as 'stable democracy'—prioritizing national security and citizens' livelihoods."
Pure lie, of course.
But the people were ready to buy the fibs from the victorious Prime Minister, the 'prophet' who saved Korea from the Axis adventure.
"Your Excellency. Long-term, who will Korea's allies be? May I ask?"
"Of course. Foreign policy is something all citizens should care about. Korea's ally is ourselves."
Sounds like sophistry, but there's logic.
Hear me out.
"They say diplomacy has no eternal enemies or friends. In a world where today's friend is tomorrow's foe, how can I declare any nation our ally? That's why Korea's only ally is ourselves."
Nonsense, obviously.
Korea's security alliance was set with the Soviets.
It was just advertising that cozying up to communists wasn't official policy.
"Your Excellency. With so many Koreans abroad these days, will you accept them as Korean citizens?"
Another security-vetted question.
If none like it came up, Intelligence would fabricate one.
"Good question. How do you define a Korean? To me, Lee Seong-jun, a Korean Empire citizen is anyone living on Korean soil, respecting Korean law, and speaking Korean."
Of course, I had no plans to absorb Chinese that way.
Once you start, they'd flood in endlessly.
"Your Excellency. Any plans to release military beer to civilians?"
"Once the war ends soon, sexual liberalization will follow. You'll see not just beer, but all sorts of magazines too."
I planned to roll out the 3S Policy openly.
Of course—reintegrating over a million young men from the army needed shock absorbers to soak up discontent.
Conversations with the People was a hit.
I gained massive recognition at home and abroad overnight.
"Politicians just posture about democracy and such—do they ever listen to us except at elections? Treat our words like dog shit."
"True. But Lee Seong-jun actually talks to the people. Military dictator or not, isn't that more democratic?"
Ironically, the show became a platform promoting 'Korean-style democracy.'
Just like that, I stumbled into a prime opportunity for regime propaganda.