Chapter 119
Chapter 119
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Their Own Calculations (2)
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Harry Truman was a bit of a simpleton.
Having never held the highest office, he couldn't quite grasp the perspective of someone like me.
That didn't mean Truman was some greenhorn, though.
He'd been a U.S. Senator for a good ten years—did anyone think that was a walk in the park?
His only weakness was the lack of presidential experience.
I exploited that gap.
The acting wasn't hard at all.
All I had to do was honestly lay out the thoughts of an ordinary citizen named Kim Sung-jun, not the supreme leader of the Korean Empire, Lee Sung-jun. What could be easier?
Truman seemed to buy into the sweet talk, just a little.
From the look in his eyes, he was imagining a future where Korea and America united under the banner of an anti-communist alliance.
He might even reach out to me right after taking office.
But even if Truman extended a hand to Korea, I had no intention of becoming Washington's lapdog.
This Korea had too much pride and too high a status to bow its head like that.
Right now, Korea was the head of the "Greater East Asia Renovation Sphere."
Having built up a power bloc like that, could we go to Washington rubbing our hands together?
The public wouldn't stand for it.
For the same reason, we couldn't completely cut ties with the Soviet coin, either.
So the strategy this Korea had to take was inevitably similar to the path of future South Korea.
Economy with America, security with the Soviets.
If it sounds backwards, that's a misunderstanding.
The truth was, we couldn't rely on the West for security because there was zero trust between America and us.
The Soviets were the same, but at least we had shared interests as a safety net.
Unfortunately, what could we do about it?
It was just Korea's fate.
That didn't mean I planned to settle for the shrimp position caught between whales, though.
Long-term, my goal was to snatch the leadership of the Third World from India in the neutral zone.
The almighty non-aligned empire leading the Non-Aligned Movement.
Sure, preaching non-alignment while being a pure militaristic imperialist nation was a bit off, but that's the world for you.
No country lived without such contradictions.
Just look at those pirate pretenders calling themselves gentlemen—they plaster on dignity with faces thick as iron plates.
All we Koreans wanted was to live with a bit of packaging, like our esteemed predecessor, the British Empire.
"How does Central Intelligence see it? That Truman fellow—think he'll become president of the United States?"
"I don't see it happening. Even getting on the VP ticket looks tough for him—how could he make president?"
Yeah, that's what normal people think.
I didn't necessarily think Truman was guaranteed to become U.S. president, either.
But investing in him wouldn't hurt.
"Compile a list of all the other names being floated as candidates, and think up ways to make contact."
"Understood."
If Truman didn't pan out, we'd just cozy up to another candidate.
Roosevelt wouldn't last past '45 anyway.
Making connections with the next frontrunner was essential.
That way, we could stick a straw in the American market.
'Still, to plant that straw in America long-term, we'll have to pretend to decolonize at some point.'
To do that, we'd need to release Japan from protectorate status and ease up on interference in the Chinese viceroyalty.
We needed to start prepping plans for that.
'But releasing Japan as one whole unit? That's insane.'
That would be pure stupidity.
Leave a heavyweight neighbor like Japan right next door to Korea, and if America used it as a pawn? We'd be screwed.
X marks the spot.
So, Japan needed to be chopped up small.
'Japan has 66 administrative divisions—add Tsushima and Iki, that's 68. Perfect to split into 68 states.'
The vassal states were still around anyway, so carving them into independent countries wouldn't be an issue at all.
To lock this setup in place, we'd have to start by wiping out the Japanese imperial family.
I decided to handle it right then, while it was on my mind.
"Security Command. General Park, I've got a job for you. Yeah. Come to the Prime Minister's residence immediately."
Soon after, Park Jun showed up at the residence.
Truth be told, I'd hesitated a bit when appointing Park Jun as Security Commander.
Was it right to promote a guy who'd sided with the suppression forces?
But I decided to use him anyway.
Security Command's core was the officers from the National Salvation Military Committee who were loyal to me.
They had him on a leash, so there was no harm in showing we were bringing defectors into the fold big-time.
Maybe because it was such an unexpected pick, Park Jun worked harder than his predecessor, Lee Jung-yoon.
Perhaps the near-miss of being forced out of uniform had awakened some dormant ambition in him.
It wasn't necessarily a good thing, but if it meant loyalty to me, I could understand it.
"Sir. You summoned me?"
"Good to see your face for once."
"Thank you."
"I've got a special operation for you this time. Security Command seems perfect for it. Can you handle it?"
"If it's your order, sir, I'm ready to execute anything."
Park Jun showed even more zeal than the National Salvation Military Committee members.
He looked ready to put a pistol to his own head if I told him to die.
Classic defector survival mode.
I handed him the rough sketch I'd jotted down while waiting.
Park Jun read the memo and his eyes went wide.
"Abolish the Japanese imperial family and transition to a federation with Tokugawa as prime minister turned president. Sounds great to implement, but will the Japanese accept it?"
"That's why we need to make some moves."
I'm not talking about something stupid like assassination.
That kind of idiocy would just give the Japanese a reason to rally around them.
Why would I, with the world's second-strongest military, pull some 140% man coup'd by a disloyal chef?
All we had to do was make the Japanese fall out of love with their royals.
This is why a dumb head means a suffering body.
I came up with the business venture they'd hate the most.
"Best to start with the pachinko business."
Launch a gambling empire in the name of the Japanese royals.
Hook up the royals with the yakuza, too.
Slap their names on every sleazy operation imaginable, stirring up scandal after scandal.
Just two years of that chaos, and even Japanese who see the Emperor as a living god would abandon the imperial family.
Even that revered British royals saw abolition talks spike with one bad king.
Japan wouldn't be any different.
"Sir, if I may—why go to the trouble of abolishing the Japanese imperial family?"
"Good question."
I explained my plan to split Japan into 68 independent states.
I like Japan so much I'd prefer about 100, but without historical basis for that many, 68 it was.
Park Jun nodded in understanding.
"I see. Splitting Japan like that means the islands will never threaten Korea again."
Of course, that wasn't the whole story.
This was about maintaining the status quo in the Southwest Pacific power structure.
No potential challengers to Korea in East Asia.
That was the core of my peripheral strategy for Korea.
"Coordinate with the General Staff Office and make it happen beautifully."
"I'll give it my all."
"Oh, and one more thing."
I tossed a file folder to Park Jun.
"Dry up the Japanese Communist Party while you're at it. Appropriately."
When a country fragments, reds tend to thrive.
If the Japan I split somehow reborn as the Communist Union of Japan, that'd be a nightmare.
Better to prevent that upfront.
The General Secretary might grumble, but who cares?
Just weeding my own backyard.
Truth be told, this was mostly preemptive after seeing Mao Zedong's recent propaganda push.
"Understood."
With the critical task of dismantling the Japanese imperial family handed to Park Jun, I felt a weight lift.
Yeah, pluck the weeds one step at a time like this—what could the Americans do if their thinking shifted?
They couldn't topple Korea without outright war.
That was enough for the postwar blueprint I envisioned.
Oh, almost forgot one thing.
I picked up the phone.
"Deputy at the Ministry of Science and Technology."
Right there, I ordered the establishment of the "Energy Research Institute for Human Peace."
The goal wasn't human peace or energy security.
'Anyway, to avoid looking like easy prey, we need nukes.'
Of course, the institute would just be a sign and a building for now—real prep would start postwar.
Can't break ground without talent, tech, and capital for nuclear research, right?
'Come to think of it, France is a shame to lose.'
But as a reluctant joint development partner, no one beat France.
Still, considering the diplomatic baggage of partnering with de Gaulle, cutting losses was right.
They'd demand permanent Security Council seat and victor status right away—how could I grant that?
If I had to pick a partner...
Israel.
A country not yet on the map.
Those folks had the talent, tech, and capital I needed in spades.
'Kill two birds: link up with American Jews, too. Not bad.'
In that vein, training exchanges with Jews sounded good.
With Jewish backing in America, they wouldn't dare touch Korea.
But allying openly with Jews came with one massive debuff.
'Diplomacy in the Middle East goes down the drain.'
Korea could self-supply most oil (Soviets could cover shortages), so embargoes were survivable, but losing the vast Middle East market would hurt bad.
So, openly grabbing hands with Jews was too risky.
'Better unofficial ties with the Jews.'
Lower level of cooperation, but beggars can't be choosers—I'd take it.
"Deputy at the Foreign Ministry. Start contacts with the Rothschild family. Yes. Laying groundwork in case postwar Jews establish a state. Handle it carefully."
Nathaniel Mayer Victor Rothschild, Baron.
Biggest backer of the Zionist movement.
Through that heavyweight, I'd connect with the yet-to-be-born Israel.
With that, my postwar blueprint was complete.
Not America, not any superpower—none could block the path I'd charted for Korea.
The Korea I, Lee Sung-jun, lead would be the world's number three!