Chapter 118
Chapter 118
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Each One's Calculations (1)
-----------------------------------------------------------------
United States President Franklin Roosevelt was lost in thought.
He was organizing his vision for how America would manage the world after the war.
As for Europe, compromise with the Soviet Union was inevitable.
Moscow had shed too much blood in this war, and its contributions had been the greatest.
Even if they didn't grant everything the Soviets demanded, it seemed they had to tolerate Soviet dominance in Eastern Europe.
In truth, even if they allowed that, the United States wouldn't suffer any major losses.
Europe was the domain of the old powers anyway.
"Even if the Soviets flaunt their power in Europe, they—as a continental nation—could never become our rivals."
Other Americans might think differently, but Roosevelt didn't see the Soviets as a threat.
On the contrary, he viewed Britain, which competed with America over shares of the free world, as a greater obstacle to U.S. hegemony.
The Strait of Gibraltar, the Suez Canal, the Strait of Malacca.
Three of the world's four major waterways.
The vast colonies and interests flying the Union Jack.
America had long surpassed Britain in national power, but from the perspective of global influence, Washington still couldn't replace London.
For America to become the true hegemon, Britain had to be brought down.
Roosevelt had his own plans for that.
The massive Lend-Lease aid provided to Britain during this war.
He intended to use it as a leash to force decolonization, slowly draining the strength from the old lion that was the British Empire.
Once Britain accepted decolonization, it could no longer rival the United States.
Britain was America's competitor not because of its homeland's capabilities, but because of its vast world empire.
Strip away the empire, and Britain would cease to be a contender for hegemony.
The problem was Korea.
Thinking of Pyongyang darkened Roosevelt's gaze slightly.
To Roosevelt, Korea was a headache.
This ancient empire, which had seized hegemony in the western Pacific, had grown in stature amid Europe's chaos and even swallowed up China.
Despite subtle warnings from Britain and America, Korea hadn't yielded an inch.
What did that mean?
It was a declaration of challenge to the order America sought to establish in the Pacific.
Frankly, that attitude was extremely grating.
They seemed to be gauging the line carefully, but fundamentally, Korea was a nation that shouldn't be allowed to grow.
What would happen if this Far Eastern Prussia, as dangerous as the fascists, expanded?
No one could assert with certainty that it wouldn't lead to war.
That was why Roosevelt aimed to coexist with Pyongyang while appropriately checking its growth.
But now that the dog had refused the leash, America had no choice but to change its stance.
Korea was America's potential rival for hegemony.
From this perspective, there were two major opponents America would need to check in the future.
Britain, the rival within the free world, and Korea, the rival in the Pacific.
Of course, within the administration, there were many who disagreed with Roosevelt's view.
Secretary of State Cordell Hull was the prime example.
Hull argued that Korea, which at least pretended to compromise out of regard for America, was less threatening than the Soviet Union, which exported communist revolutions.
Hull's stance had gained considerable traction within the administration.
Roosevelt couldn't simply ignore this trend.
"Of course, the Secretary isn't entirely wrong. But the Federation isn't an immediate threat."
Roosevelt didn't underestimate Soviet strength either.
Its enormous population dwarfed America's, it had the military that crushed the Nazis, and the world's second-largest industrial capacity.
Objectively, the Soviet Union was a greater power—and threat—than Korea or Britain.
But the Soviets had suffered devastating losses in this war.
Roosevelt estimated that Moscow would need at least a decade to fully recover from the blows.
From this viewpoint, he saw no need to deal with the Soviets during this administration or the next.
"Therefore, for the next ten years, our most dangerous adversary is Korea."
Roosevelt shared this vision of his with the senior figures in the Democratic Party.
The Democratic elders were frankly taken aback upon hearing the President's thoughts.
"Korea as a higher priority for containment than the Soviets? Even after seeing how powerful the reds are?"
"His Excellency the President has gone too far. It's like his hatred for Germany has shifted to Korea."
Senator Harry Truman thought Roosevelt was vastly underestimating the Soviets.
"I wouldn't say the President's thinking is completely wrong, but isn't the flow of the era obvious? The coming world will be an ideological battleground between the free camp and the communist camp."
To prepare for that era, it wasn't wise to unnecessarily provoke Korea.
Even when checking it, the pressure needed to be calibrated so Korea wouldn't consider siding with the Soviets.
Roosevelt didn't seem to think that way.
Or perhaps he felt the need to suppress Korea even accounting for that risk.
Truman acknowledged that Korea was a prickly nation.
A militaristic society under military dictatorship, brimming with expansionist desires, with aggressive diplomacy that invaded neighbors at every opportunity.
Korea was like an unsettling time bomb, too dangerous to leave unchecked.
Roosevelt targeting Korea after the Nazis wasn't an incomprehensible judgment in that context.
If Korea were truly the kind of nation that would provoke America, then Roosevelt's assessment wouldn't be off.
But Korea wasn't that insane a militarist state.
If it were, it would have joined the Axis when Germany acted up and stirred chaos to carve up the world.
"On the contrary, provoking it like this is the way to turn Korea into a real headache."
Truman felt the need to send a signal to Pyongyang before it was too late—that not everyone in American politics viewed Korea with excessive hostility.
"So, Senator, you're planning to visit Korea yourself?"
Secretary of State Cordell Hull was flustered by Truman's request for travel approval.
"Isn't it better to do something rather than just watch relations cool off like this?"
"I won't deny your point, Senator, but your visit won't change anything. Not unless His Excellency the President changes his mind."
"I know that. I'm just trying to build some personal ties with the Korean government in advance. That way, if something happens later, we'll have room to manage it, right?"
"If that's what you think, Senator, I won't stop you from going to Pyongyang."
Cordell Hull approved Truman's visit to Korea.
The schedule was notified to Korea urgently, so Truman landed at Pyongyang's Sunan Airport as an ordinary state guest.
"Welcome, Senator."
But the Korean reaction was a bit odd.
For a single senator's visit, they immediately arranged meetings with high-ranking administration officials, and even scheduled a meal with Prime Minister Lee Sung-jun at the Prime Minister's residence.
Truman was so puzzled by the situation that he asked his interpreter, but the response only confused him more.
"It's a special directive from His Excellency Lee Sung-jun."
Why Lee Sung-jun?
Truman wasn't personally acquainted with Lee Sung-jun.
Nor did he have any close connections to him in his network.
"His Excellency is arriving."
Truman treated Korean Prime Minister Lee Sung-jun with due courtesy.
Unlike his reputation as a ruthless military dictator and warmonger, the man had an affable impression and a masculine bearing.
His belly protruded a bit, but most men his age were like that.
"It's an honor to meet you, Your Excellency."
"No need for such formalities."
Lee Sung-jun was remarkably unpretentious for his position.
He even had a decent sense of humor.
"Senator, are you familiar with physiognomy, by any chance?"
"I'm not an expert, but I know it's an Eastern mystical art that divines the future from one's face."
"That's a good grasp of it. I know a bit about physiognomy myself."
"You, Your Excellency?"
"Yes. From what I see, Senator, you have the look of a man headed for great success. Let me take a look. In about a year, you'll become the highest-ranking public official in America."
The highest-ranking public official would be the President.
Truman couldn't help but laugh at that.
"For someone like me, not even seasoned in politics, to become President? Haha."
Lee Sung-jun's joke was funnier than most stand-up comedy.
In the warm atmosphere, Truman shared lunch with Lee Sung-jun.
During the lunch, Truman asked why he was being received so warmly.
"Frankly, since the Casablanca Conference, the American attitude has grown cold, and it hasn't sat well with me. So when I heard you were coming to visit, I was thrilled. I even slept two hours less than usual."
Lee Sung-jun's expression was serious.
It didn't seem like a joke.
Seeing his demeanor, Truman got the impression that the Korean government truly cared about its relations with America.
During the lunch, Truman heard a great deal about Lee Sung-jun's governing philosophy and mindset.
Lee Sung-jun was a military dictator, but he was a politician who knew where to draw the line.
It was hard to judge the nation of Korea outright, but its leader, Lee Sung-jun, was plenty rational and reasonable.
Truman wondered why Roosevelt, who had met him at Casablanca, thought otherwise.
After lunch with Lee Sung-jun, Truman toured major Korean facilities under government guidance.
He even inspected an aircraft carrier at the shipyard.
From the Korean side's attitude, Truman strongly sensed that this country didn't want to make an enemy of America.
Through these two days, Truman formed his own conviction about Korea.
"Unlike the reds, Korea is a partner we can coexist with. The military dictatorship is a bit concerning, but compared to the commies, it's downright gentlemanly. Putting distance between us makes no sense."
He concluded that, if possible, drawing Korea into the free camp would best serve America's future interests.
If only Roosevelt would change his mind—but that old man was incredibly stubborn.
His hopes rested on the next President.
"The next President needs to make the right call."
With those thoughts, Truman returned to America.