Chapter 81
Chapter 81
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 81
Chapter Title: What Are We Fighting For (11)
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February 2, 1940
Munich, 7th Military District, Southern Germany
“The abrogation of the Treaty of Versailles, the annexation of Austria, the restoration of the Hohenzollerns. We have already conceded a great deal to Germany. Our demands are non-negotiable.”
The negotiation, held in a setting that was more of an ultimatum than a conference, was a one-sided affair dominated by French assertions.
They demanded the complete liberation of Czechoslovakia, including the Sudetenland, and an end to a war that would leave us with nothing but bloodshed. How could that possibly be a compromise?
“You never raised an issue with the annexation of Austria, the Austrian people joined voluntarily, and a plebiscite is scheduled. What exactly have you conceded?”
When my father, Hjalmar Schacht, retorted sarcastically, French Prime Minister Paul Reynaud’s brow furrowed, but he quickly glared back at my father and replied.
“And what about Germany? You claimed you would liberate Czechoslovakia and form a democratic government, yet what have you actually accomplished?”
“Ah, that. Let’s decide it now, then. We will officially recognize the Czechoslovak government-in-exile and acknowledge its liberation.”
France’s Paul Reynaud and Édouard Daladier scowled, then whipped their heads toward Czechoslovakia’s Edvard Beneš.
Beneš himself remained silent, his eyes downcast. It was the British Prime Minister, Halifax, who watched with an expression of keen interest.
Just like when they recognized Wilhelm III’s coronation, it seems the British never run out of popcorn. I’m almost envious.
“What do you mean by that? You’ll truly liberate Czechoslovakia?”
At Paul Reynaud’s question, my father smirked as if hearing something amusing and replied.
“Why, did you think we were only paying lip service to the idea of Czech liberation? All territory, excluding the Sudetenland, will be liberated, and Germany will guarantee Czechoslovakia’s independence. We’ll be reclaiming the ‘peace for our time,’ established after the Munich Agreement.”
My father deliberately emphasized “peace for our time,” and the reactions were starkly divided.
“Hmm, in that case, the Czech issue at least will be resolved. As Prime Minister of Great Britain, I would like to commend Germany’s decision.”
“Nonsense! In the end, you still intend to swallow the Sudetenland! There is no way Czechoslovakia will accept this!”
The British were favorable, the French opposed.
From the start, Britain had been subtly propagating the narrative that our victory in the civil war against Hitler and the establishment of the Fourth Reich were possible thanks to the time they had bought with the Munich Agreement.
Halifax, a former Foreign Secretary turned Prime Minister, needed to launder the image of the Munich Agreement, which he and Chamberlain had signed, from being a major diplomatic failure for the Conservative Party. By not refuting this, we were playing along with Britain.
Thus, from the British perspective, our promise to liberate Czechoslovakia and return to the order established by the British-led Munich Agreement was more than enough of a favorable gesture.
“Whether they accept it or not is for the Czechoslovak government-in-exile to decide, not France, isn’t it? Or does France, which helped Poland carve up Czechoslovakia with Hitler, think differently?”
France, which should have protected Czechoslovakia, had a history of pressuring the Czech government during the Munich Agreement, allowing Poland to quickly seize Zaolzie under the guise of aiding an ally.
Stung by my father’s jab, French Prime Minister Paul Reynaud gritted his teeth and shot a look at Edvard Beneš.
“France has supported the government-in-exile all this time. I trust you do not intend to abandon the Sudetenland and take Germany’s hand now.”
A bitter laugh escaped me. They were the ones who carved off the Sudetenland and handed it to Hitler. What support had they offered the government-in-exile before Germany became vulnerable from civil war and a two-front conflict?
Edvard Beneš remained silent for a moment with his eyes closed, but then he spoke.
“The Czechoslovak government-in-exile will accept Germany’s proposal.”
“Impossible! This is a betrayal!”
At the shout from Édouard Daladier, a signatory of the Munich Agreement, Beneš shot him a cold glare and replied.
“Betrayal is what you people did at the Munich Diktat.”
Reynaud and Daladier couldn’t hide their dismay, but the Radical Party had staked everything on this meeting; they couldn’t accept defeat just like that.
“Our demands were not limited to one issue. Even if you liberate Czechoslovakia, Germany is still a nation that has stolen the Sudetenland, and the German military, which once served Hitler, is still waging a war of expansion!”
Halifax watched with great interest as Prime Minister Reynaud delivered his fervent speech, while my father listened with an air of indifference.
Unlike Hitler’s Germany, which was a significant concern, Britain likely didn’t see us—embroiled in a civil war followed by consecutive conflicts—as a major threat.
The German military strength that had once terrified the Allies, thanks to Hitler's bluffs, was now being assessed more objectively after our civil war and the subsequent war against Poland and Italy.
The reason France could afford to push such an unreasonable stance now was, paradoxically, their calculation that the current German state couldn't handle a three-front war if France were to intervene.
“We have agreed to carry out the liberation of Czechoslovakia as promised. Yet, just as we are trying to oust Hitler and build a democratic nation, you threaten to attack us unless we end the war started by their invasion and render all of Germany’s sacrifices meaningless? From a self-proclaimed democracy?”
Despite my father’s words, Daladier replied firmly.
“It is not only Germany that has shed immense blood, but Italy and Poland as well. France’s position is to prevent further meaningless sacrifice. Besides, Germany is not yet a democratic nation…”
“Hahaha.”
I couldn’t hold back my laughter upon hearing Daladier’s words. The French delegation shot me looks that could kill.
“This is an official conference! Does the Vice-Chancellor have no basic manners?”
“Ah, my apologies. I’m still young and inexperienced, so I found it rather difficult to listen to that.”
As the officials in the conference room clicked their tongues, I looked back and forth between Paul Reynaud and Édouard Daladier before speaking.
“Isn’t it ironic to threaten war in order to prevent meaningless sacrifice? It seems we’ve learned nothing from the war to end all wars. And…”
I paused for effect before adding.
“Not yet a democratic nation, you say? I never thought I’d hear this from a democracy, but if there’s a way to hold an election while parts of your territory are occupied, I’d love to hear it. Does democracy these days involve abandoning the people in occupied lands just to hold an election?”
Daladier cleared his throat at my words, and I yielded the floor to my father.
“Since France is so concerned about Germany’s military expansion, let us make a proposal. Germany will demand no territorial cessions other than those lands lost by Germany and Austria in the last war.”
“Then, the territories you intend to demand are…”
In response to British Foreign Secretary Alexander Cadogan’s question, our Foreign Minister, Weizsäcker, answered.
“From Poland, Danzig, the Corridor, and Posen. From Italy, South Tyrol and the Istrian Peninsula. We guarantee we will make no other territorial demands.”
Britain’s Halifax and Cadogan looked thoughtful, while Reynaud and Daladier bristled.
“Is that not a rejection of the outcome of the Great War? And the Istrian Peninsula! Are you not revealing your ambitions in the Mediterranean?”
At Reynaud’s accusation, my father feigned contemplation for a moment before speaking.
“I see. Ah, yes. The Mediterranean was *your* sphere of influence, wasn’t it? It’s not an area of great interest to Germany, so I hadn’t considered it. Then we will renounce our claim to the Istrian Peninsula. In return, we must have a guarantee from both your nations that you will not interfere in the subsequent war between Germany, Poland, and Italy, correct?”
At this, Reynaud and Daladier flinched. Halifax clapped his hands and spoke up.
“Excellent. From Britain’s perspective, these terms seem perfectly reasonable. If you liberate Czechoslovakia and limit your territorial demands, Britain will guarantee it will no longer interfere in the war between Germany, Poland, and Italy.”
With such a weak justification for war, Britain had no reason to side with France at this point.
Britain had been prepared to go to war to protect Poland from Hitler, but that same Poland had ignored Britain and launched a preemptive invasion of Germany. They would hardly be inclined to save Poland now, especially since we weren't aiming for its complete destruction.
If Germany was reasonable, Britain had no need to stick its neck out for Poland, a nation weaker than Germany and acting recklessly. Italy was even less of a concern.
Of course, we had intended to give up the Istrian Peninsula from the start; we had only mentioned it to bait France. This meant our prior negotiations with Britain had already been settled.
Reynaud and Daladier, likely starting to grasp the situation, looked furious.
France must have initiated this conference assuming that Britain, wary of Germany’s excessive growth, would at least remain neutral.
“Is Britain truly content with these terms? This is tantamount to returning Germany to its pre-Versailles state!”
“Surely not. Germany’s previous guarantee of the French and Belgian borders still stands. With the threat of communism looming in the east, what good would it do to further pressure a Germany that is already being invaded?”
Paul Reynaud, who had been speaking in an agitated tone, fell silent at Halifax’s words.
“As stated before, our recognition of the western borders remains unchanged. Does France intend to refuse even after coming this far?”
My father asked with his signature irritating smile. Reynaud and Daladier looked at each other, then rose from their seats.
“…We have no intention of agreeing to a scheme tailored for Germany’s benefit.”
In the end, France would not agree. If they were to capitulate to Germany once more, their Radical Party government would be finished.
"This seems like a fair proposal. As an ally, I must express my concern over France's actions."
Reynaud and Daladier, who were about to leave, glared at Halifax for his comment. I then spoke to them.
“…How ironic.”
Reynaud and Daladier paused on their way out, glancing back at me.
“Germany, which suffered under a dictator, rose up for the freedom of its people, yet France, a so-called democracy, is contemplating driving its people into war for the sake of the state.”
Paul Reynaud let out a derisive snort and walked out. Daladier remained for a moment, looking at me.
“No one in this room has the right to drag their people into another Great War.”
Daladier heard my words but turned his back and left without a reply.
“A pity. Nevertheless, the terms of the agreement reached here and our deal with Germany remain valid, I presume?”
After the French delegation had departed, Halifax made his relaxed and shameless remark. My father nodded in response.
“Of course.”
It seemed France had tried to lobby Britain in various ways, but with France reeling from the Great Depression, the hand we held was far stronger. My father’s skill was such that Britain ultimately sided with us.
Thanks to Adenauer’s more-than-expected success in confiscating the assets of Nazis and their collaborating corporations, we were able to sell additional enterprises to Britain.
Furthermore, with our recent increase in the naval budget, we had invited British companies for collaboration. Our own companies might complain, but what could they do when their biggest customers, the government and the navy, welcomed it?
For Britain, this was a profitable venture and a way to get a handle on German naval strength, which had been a complete mystery since Hitler’s bluffs.
For us, it was a chance to at least partially overcome our severely outdated technology, a consequence of the long gap since the Great War, through joint ventures with British firms.
Naturally, Britain wouldn’t hand over all its core naval technologies, but it would at least allow us to make some improvements to the *Bismarck*, *Tirpitz*, and *Graf Zeppelin*, which were still under construction, as well as any auxiliary ships we build in the future.
There had been the minor issue of revealing that our capital ships completely ignored naval disarmament treaties, which we had to resolve by lobbying the Anglo-German Cooperation Committee to blame the Nazi regime and argue they were necessary to secure sea control against the Soviets…
But since we had already promised to increase the naval budget, there was no reason to waste our precious funds on Germany’s obsolete technology. It was also the perfect way to reassure Britain and show that we had no hostile intentions toward them.
“Ah, and the British Army has taken note of the impressive performance of Germany’s armored divisions. If possible, we would like to consider a military pact in that area as well.”
“That sounds appealing.”
Halifax and my father, who had already discussed matters in detail before the conference, shook hands.
It was a bit galling that for the second time, France had set the stage only for Britain to reap the benefits, but this had significantly weakened France’s justification for war.
In truth, we never seriously believed the Radical Party wanted war. They had been dragged this far out of fear of another Great War; it was unlikely they would suddenly turn into warmongers now.
The best outcome for them would have been for Czechoslovakia and Britain to side with them, or at least remain neutral, forcing us to yield to their threat of war.
But that was a conclusion that only made France happy. It was no different from Hitler believing to the very end that he could attack Poland as long as Britain didn't intervene.
The Radical Party was merely thrashing about, trying not to be crushed by the debts accumulated from being strung along by Hitler and defeated in the diplomatic arena by us.
After the conference ended, I picked up the phone and requested a connection.
[Army General Staff, Major General Tresckow speaking.]
“General. Please inform the Chief of the General Staff. Commence the operation.”
[Understood.]
General Tresckow ended the call immediately. Would they expect us to attack Poland even before the 48-hour deadline of France’s ultimatum had passed?
The operation Manstein had prepared would unleash our best armored commanders to tear apart the Polish army, which would be letting its guard down thanks to the French ultimatum.
French public opinion would surely boil over, but their justification for war, having been abandoned by Britain and Czechoslovakia, amounted to little more than national animosity toward Germany and a desire to block our recovery of lost territories.
Ultimately, the decision to declare war with such a flimsy pretext or to stand down rested in France’s hands.
All we could do was weaken their justification as much as possible, crush their allies, and play every card we had to break their will to fight.
To capitulate and lose power, or to face a Great War.
A high-stakes game of chicken with the nation on the line, with no way to back down.
The Nazis made all the gambles, and we're left holding the bag. That damned ghost of Hitler won’t leave us be, even in death.