Chapter 80
Chapter 80
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 80
Chapter Title: World War II - What Are We Fighting For (10)
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January 27, 1940
Protectorate of Czechia – Prague
We met with the Czech delegation in Prague, at the former Czech government building that Hitler had designated as the headquarters for the Reich Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.
Our delegation consisted of my father and Chancellor, Hjalmar Schacht; Foreign Minister Weizsäcker; and myself, the Vice-Chancellor.
The Czech delegation was led by Edvard Beneš, who was president at the time of the Munich Agreement and now headed the Czechoslovak government-in-exile in France, and Emil Hácha, the Czech governor who had capitulated to Hitler and signed away his country during the annexation.
After occupying Berlin and dealing with the Nazi regime, we had dismantled the office of the Reich Protector of Bohemia and Moravia. However, we simply renamed it the Protectorate of Czechia and kept Emil Hácha as governor, granting him a significant degree of autonomy.
In essence, we had halted the assimilation policies initiated by Hitler and were now pursuing a policy of appeasement. Since Emil Hácha had been directly elected president in Czechia after Beneš's cabinet resigned, we had kept him in place.
Edvard Beneš, a figure who had fought for Czech independence against the Austro-Hungarian Empire and attempted to stand against Hitler by fortifying the Sudetenland as President of Czechoslovakia, seemed quite moved to be standing on his homeland's soil once again.
“Welcome back to Czech lands, former President. I am Hjalmar Schacht, the German Chancellor.”
“...Edvard Beneš. I lead the Czechoslovak government-in-exile.”
Starting with my father and Beneš, we introduced ourselves and shook hands in a reasonably amicable manner.
Fortunately, we had disclosed a great deal about the Third Reich's situation, which had been largely hidden from the outside world after the fall of Nazi Germany.
They would be well aware that my father had been dismissed for opposing Hitler's complete annexation of Czechia and his war plans, and that we had immediately banned all Nazi-led persecution as soon as our civil war ended.
Restoring the region's name to Czechia and granting it a high level of autonomy had given the Czech people hope that we would, at the very least, be better than the Nazis.
That was why they had accepted our proposal for dialogue and come here in person.
“As you know, we have arranged this meeting to discuss the liberation of Czechoslovakia.”
As my father initiated the conversation, Beneš, Hácha, and the rest of the Czech delegation nodded, their faces stiff with tension.
They had come because they were desperate, but that didn't mean they were friendly toward us. After all, we were the aggressors, and they were the victims.
Moreover, they already had a sponsor who had promised to pressure the aggressor and secure their liberation.
Hjalmar Schacht leaned back in his chair, a cynical smile that was his trademark playing on his lips as he spoke.
“Well, since we all know what’s what, let’s not beat around the bush and get straight to the point. We intend to restore Czechoslovakia to its state after the Munich Agreement.”
Beneš spoke, his face rigid.
“And the return of the Sudetenland?”
“Out of the question, of course.”
Objectively, it was territory we had seized, but my father’s audacity was so great I wasn't sure what expression to wear myself.
Beneš looked utterly incensed.
“Do you intend to make us sign another coerced treaty like the one forged in Munich?”
“I understand your country’s position, but the Munich Agreement is a formal treaty, agreed to by Britain and France as well.”
Weizsäcker tried to soften the atmosphere slightly, but Beneš's reply was cold.
“A treaty signed by invaders and traitors. One whose promise of independence you yourselves broke.”
Well now. I had expected this, but the negotiations were proving difficult.
“Even by the standard of national self-determination proclaimed by the West, the return of the Sudetenland is impossible. Attempting to return it would likely topple our government, which is currently pursuing Czech independence. And you can well imagine that any German government that replaced us would be far more nationalistic.”
Beneš’s expression remained hard even after hearing my words.
“Ahem, Beneš. This is a chance to rebuild Czechoslovakia with our own hands, without bloodshed.”
Having been a puppet under Hitler and the Nazi regime, Emil Hácha seemed to find our proposal reasonable enough.
“It would be entrusting our fate to foreign powers once again!”
But Hácha, despite being older, flinched at Beneš’s roar and fell silent.
The already timid-looking man, burdened by the guilt of having signed off on the demise of Czechia, seemed unable to assert himself in front of Beneš, who had tried to resist until the end.
Honestly, this didn't feel good. The whole situation felt like a discussion on how to carve up Korea after the fall of Japan.
Still, it was depressing that the job had to be done.
“Former President Beneš. It may not be my place to say, but this is likely the moment Czechoslovakia can achieve independence as a single nation on the best possible terms.”
“Hah, I’ve heard much about the young Vice-Chancellor of Germany. You are quite confident, aren't you?”
Suppressing a sigh that threatened to escape, I began to speak.
“France has likely told you they will deliver an ultimatum to us, citing the liberation of Czechia and their guarantee of Polish independence as justification, correct?”
Beneš clicked his tongue but did not deny it. France’s poor security was a time-honored tradition, dating back to the last Great War.
“If France uses that as leverage to pressure us, and the Czechoslovak government-in-exile supports them, our course of action is simple.”
I consciously mimicked my father Hjalmar Schacht's cynical smile as I continued speaking to Beneš.
“We will dismantle all of your country's industrial facilities and move them to Germany proper. Then, we will liberate Czechia and Slovakia as separate states. And we will simply leave them be. Though there are certain neighbors who might prey on the two vulnerable, newly liberated nations.”
At that moment, Beneš would surely be thinking of Carpatho-Ruthenia, which had been devoured by Hungary immediately after its independence following the Munich Agreement.
“What! Our homeland, again...!”
“Regrettably, that is the reality of the situation. If the government-in-exile places its trust in the guarantees of our enemy and sides with them, why should we show any further consideration for Czechia? Even if we do that, it would make it difficult for them to declare war on the pretext of Czech liberation.”
Of course, if we actually did such a thing, we would face some international condemnation, so we would prefer to avoid it. But given what Germany had already done, it must have sounded utterly chilling from the Czech perspective.
“In that case, the government-in-exile would have two options. Either be stripped of its legitimacy by the new Czech government and be dissolved, or incite France to wage a war on weak grounds, praying they will reclaim the Sudetenland and Slovakia for you.”
Beneš was practically trembling as he listened to me. Playing the villain for one's country was a truly agonizing role.
“Even if France declares war, you will have to wait until they win. And even if they do defeat us, I cannot say whether the Czech government established in the meantime will acknowledge the contributions of the government-in-exile. You’d be lucky if they don't just pin the blame for the Munich Agreement and the annexation on you and bury you completely, wouldn't you?”
The first thing the Vichy government did after the fall of France was deny the legitimacy of the Third Republic, and the first thing Free France did after the fall of the Nazis was deny the legitimacy of Vichy France.
The politicians of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, who had fought from abroad, knew all too well how they would be cast aside if a new Czech government were to be established.
Beneš remained silent. Hiding a sigh, I looked at my father, who gave me his characteristic unsettling smile before speaking to Beneš.
“We are well aware of the instability a Czechoslovakia liberated without the Sudetenland would face. If you accept our liberation plan during the upcoming negotiations with France, Germany will not only guarantee Czechoslovakia’s independence but also ensure trade through German ports and provide tariff benefits.”
Czechoslovakia was already completely disarmed, and they, more than anyone, knew that self-help through the League of Nations or diplomacy was an illusion.
Even as an industrial power in Central Europe, without the Sudetenland, they would pose no threat to us. It would take them years just to rebuild their army. In the meantime, they would need a country to protect them from Poland and Hungary, nations with a history of carving up Czechoslovakia.
Ultimately, even in the long term, Czechoslovakia would become dependent on Germany for protection, ports, and trade routes, so providing benefits in these areas would forge a closer relationship.
There would be issues with public sentiment, but we, who had at least liberated them from the Nazi regime, would be a better option than Poland or Hungary. In the end, economic influence is more important than national sentiment.
Just as modern-day South Korea cannot completely sever ties with China and Japan, despite its dislike for them.
“If France insists on going to war with us, Britain's reaction will be uncertain, and the fate of Czechia and Slovakia will become even more precarious, will it not? If you want to achieve independence as a single nation, Czechoslovakia, not at the mercy of the great powers' interests, then that moment is now.”
My father relentlessly drove the point home. Beneš sighed as if the world were collapsing and put his head in his hands.
Putting emotions aside, he must have understood that, realistically, these were the best terms he could get.
They had been too brutally abandoned by France to trust them with everything. For France, the liberation of Czechia was nothing more than a pretext to pressure Germany.
“Give us time to think. To think.”
“Of course. We are prepared to respect a sovereign Czechoslovakia.”
Hearing my father's words, Beneš sighed and led the Czech delegation and Hácha out of the room.
They would have a headache-inducing discussion, but since they had no cards to play against us directly and couldn't fully trust France, their choice was already made.
“Good work. How did it go?”
When I came to my senses, I saw Claudia waiting for me by the car. Ah, when did I even get here?
“You don’t look so good-”
Her words were cut off as I pulled her into a sudden embrace. Feeling the warmth of her body in my arms, I said softly.
“I’m a bad person.”
Claudia hesitated for a moment, then began to pat my back as she spoke.
“...It’s proof that you’re taking responsibility for your people.”
Having taken on this responsibility, I would have to continue doing things like this.
But she would be by my side then, too. To me, that felt like salvation.
-
A few days after the negotiations with the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, the Paul Reynaud cabinet in France officially delivered an ultimatum as soon as February began.
Their demands were as follows:
1. The complete liberation of Czechoslovakia.
2. An unconditional end to the wars with Poland and Italy, with a return to pre-war borders.
The message stated that they could no longer tolerate Germany's military expansion and that if the above conditions were not met within 48 hours, they would be prepared to take military action to protect Poland, based on their guarantee of its independence.
At France's demand to end a defensive war, in which even the crown prince had fallen, for nothing and to also give up Czechia, long-simmering animosity toward France flared up like wildfire across Germany.
Britain was inwardly displeased with France's unilateral action, but they too were wary of Germany becoming too powerful and wished to avoid an escalation of the war.
Prime Minister Halifax arranged a conference, framing it as Britain mediating a situation that “France had unfortunately created.”
Everything the Fourth Reich had built since finishing off Hitler was now on the line.
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February 2, 1940
Munich, 7th Military District, Southern Germany
The conference venue was Munich. Perhaps for Britain and France, it was an attempt to wash away their shame, but for the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, it must have been a deeply unpleasant location.
But the great powers, who had callously excluded Czechoslovakia when it was still intact during the signing of the Munich Agreement, naturally had no respect to show for a government without a country.
The politicians of the French Radical Party, in particular, looked on with blazing eyes, as if determined to finally erase their past humiliation.
The British delegation consisted of Prime Minister “Lord Halifax” Edward Wood and Foreign Secretary Alexander Cadogan.
The French delegation was Prime Minister Paul Reynaud and Foreign Minister Édouard Daladier.
The German delegation was myself, my father, and Foreign Minister Weizsäcker.
And finally, Edvard Beneš, the representative of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile. All the key figures were gathered in the conference hall.
“It’s been a while, Vice-Chancellor. You’re looking well.”
“Haha, it has been a while, former Prime Minister. You’re the Foreign Minister now, I see.”
Édouard Daladier, who had resigned as Prime Minister after I had thoroughly outmaneuvered him at the conference following the suppression of the military junta's coup, had veins bulging on his thick neck. But he quickly forced a smile, shook my hand, and whispered.
“This time will be different.”
“Well, I look forward to it.”
After the delegates from each country exchanged greetings laced with tension, the self-appointed mediator, British Prime Minister Halifax, spoke up.
“Then... let us begin this conference, in the hope that we can sign a second agreement for peace in our time.”
A cynical smile spread across my face involuntarily.
The Munich Agreement.
In the very place where the agreement known as the Munich Betrayal or the Munich Diktat was signed, completely excluding the concerned party, Czechoslovakia, the same countries had gathered again to hold a conference for a second Munich Agreement.
If a being like God truly exists, his sense of humor is atrocious.