Chapter 52
Chapter 52
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 52
Chapter Title: The Shadow of Versailles (2)
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September 27, 1939
Southern British Isles, London, Capital of the United Kingdom – Winston Churchill’s Residence
Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill, also known as the ‘British Bulldog’.
Half the embassy staff thought there was no need to meet him.
Right now, Winston Churchill was not the Prime Minister, nor anything of the sort. He was just an ordinary Conservative Member of Parliament, treated as a washed-up politician who’d led the British forces to a spectacular disaster at Gallipoli.
In contrast, though I was only in my twenties, I was still, at least nominally, the second-in-command of Germany's new government, here for diplomatic negotiations. I didn't have to go just because a mere Member of Parliament summoned me.
But I accepted the invitation nonetheless.
Half of my reason was curiosity about a man who was an icon of his era, and the other half was a desire to make a good impression, just in case he became Prime Minister as in the original history.
It seemed unlikely that the Chamberlain faction, his political rival within the Conservative Party, would collapse so suddenly, but history is unpredictable, after all.
Take this time, for instance. I had made preparations, like winning over the Pope out of concern that Mussolini might attack during the civil war, but I never expected him to launch a surprise attack while we were negotiating with Britain and France.
“Welcome, Vice-Chancellor Schacht. Thank you for accepting my invitation.”
Churchill, whose build seemed better suited for a mafia boss than a politician, greeted me with a cigar in his mouth.
Though in his mid-sixties, he gave the complete opposite impression of the feeble old Chamberlain.
“Thank you for the invitation, Mr. Churchill.”
Churchill seemed quite pleased with my respectful demeanor. He offered a generous smile that didn't quite match his formidable appearance and gestured for me to take a seat.
“Please, sit. I told the kitchen to put in some extra effort for our distinguished guest.”
“Then I gratefully accept.”
British cuisine. For some reason, my expectations weren't high. Still, compared to the Schacht family, which was merely wealthy, Churchill hailed from a truly historic and distinguished British noble family.
Naturally, he had servants, and the food would have been prepared by a proper chef, so it should be fine.
Churchill had invited me for lunch, but had, as if it were the most natural thing in the world, prepared whiskey and brandy.
“Care for a drink?”
“Hmm, I’ll gratefully accept the sentiment.”
In the original history, Churchill should have been First Lord of the Admiralty by now. Chamberlain had appointed him to the post when World War II broke out, just as Churchill had predicted.
But World War II hadn't started yet, and so Churchill had not become First Lord of the Admiralty. He was just a Member of Parliament.
“Oh, oh. A pity.”
Churchill said, sounding like an old man—well, he was an old man. In any case, he filled his own glass and began to eat, sipping as he went.
After inviting me, he focused on his meal without much conversation. With nothing else to do, I started eating as well—
Huh? This is delicious.
The vegetables had that distinctively British overcooked texture that wasn't to my taste, but the grilled bacon, sausage, and baked beans in sauce were flawless.
I hadn't expected to have a decent meal in England, so I ate heartily for a while. When I looked up, Churchill was watching me, sipping his whiskey.
Damn, that startled me.
Churchill watched me quietly for a moment before speaking.
“It seems the food agrees with you?”
“Yes, it’s excellent. The best I’ve had since coming to England.”
Honestly, it made me wonder why British food had such a bad reputation if they could cook like this. Of course, a wealthy nobleman’s table was a different story from that of the common folk.
“Haha, I’ll be sure to pass on the Vice-Chancellor’s compliments.”
Churchill replied, setting down his glass. He then put a cigar to his lips and took a deep drag. His mouth never rests.
In the end, I gave in to the old man’s leisurely pace and spoke first.
“May I ask why you requested this meeting, Mr. Churchill?”
Churchill took another puff of his cigar and smiled faintly.
“And why did you accept the invitation, Vice-Chancellor?”
What's he on about, inviting me here only to ask that? But from his perspective, could he have been certain that the second-in-command of the new government would actually show up?
A skilled politician like Churchill might have just been testing the waters, I thought.
A man like him could probably find a use for the very fact that I, a high-ranking official of the new government, had accepted the invitation of a mere MP.
“You were one of the first to recognize the danger of Hitler, were you not, Mr. Churchill?”
His famous quote about the Munich Agreement is well-known: ‘You were given the choice between war and dishonour. You chose dishonour and you will have war.’
At the time, the British political establishment fiercely criticized him, but now that Hitler had not only broken the Munich Agreement but also revealed his plans for war against Poland, Churchill had been proven right.
And yet, because my intervention had triggered a civil war in Germany, Churchill was receiving far less recognition than he had in the original history.
“As a member of the new government that rose up within Germany to confront Hitler’s danger and madness, I believe it is only natural to take an interest in you, Mr. Churchill.”
With my memories of Korea suffering under Japanese colonial rule, I personally didn't much care for him as a staunch imperialist.
At the same time, it was a strange feeling, watching a man who would have been a hero of his time in the original history face a different fate because of my intervention.
There was a stark difference between laughing at the foolish military blunders of Churchill while studying World War II history back in Korea, and feeling his presence firsthand in this era.
I wondered if, in his position and without my knowledge of the future, I could have called for continued resistance against a Nazi Germany that had brought all of Europe to its knees and cornered the entire British army at Dunkirk.
Churchill stared at me at my words, then set down his cigar, took another sip of whiskey, and spoke.
“I must say, Vice-Chancellor, I watched your propaganda campaign with great interest.”
Now that I thought about it, although he was overshadowed by Goebbels, Churchill was also an orator who delivered all sorts of famous speeches to bolster the people’s will to fight.
“Your methods for captivating the public are similar to those of the Nazis, yet different.”
So this is how people of this era saw it. The methods I used might have been partially similar to those of the Nazis.
“Is that so.”
Churchill puffed on his cigar in response to my words and said.
“I was a little worried that another dictator might emerge from a Germany in crisis.”
“As I’ve already stated at the conference, the current war cabinet is merely transitional, Mr. Churchill. We are aiming for a democracy.”
He smiled faintly at my words.
“Hitler also seized power by urging people to choose peace, not war. I don't believe the words that come out of a man's mouth; I believe what I see with my own eyes.”
“Then, how does our new government appear in your eyes, Mr. Churchill?”
Churchill leisurely took another sip of whiskey before speaking.
“Looking at you, Vice-Chancellor, reminds me of my younger days.”
Instead of answering my question about the new government, he gave a different response. Winston Churchill was Britain's First Lord of the Admiralty during World War I, in his thirties.
I, too, made active use of propaganda for the masses. To think that Winston Churchill, of all people, would look at me—a young man who had risen to a high position—and be reminded of his own youth.
It felt somewhat bittersweet. The man who would have been celebrated as Britain's greatest Prime Minister in the original history was now reduced to making nostalgic remarks like some washed-up old man reminiscing about his youth while looking at others.
“Is that so. In that case, since I have accepted your invitation, satisfied your curiosity, and raised your profile in British politics, may I consider this a favor I have done for you?”
Churchill roared with laughter.
Winston Churchill let out a great laugh, wiping tears from his eyes as he asked.
“So, what is the reward you desire?”
“I'm not that much of a scoundrel. This will be a good story for you as well, by the way.”
It wasn't something I had planned from the start, but for Winston Churchill, the symbol of anti-Nazism in Britain, there was a perfect role.
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September 28, 1939
Southern British Isles, London, Capital of the United Kingdom – The Home of Dietrich’s Sister, Cordula
“Welcome, Dietrich. It’s been a while.”
“It has, sister.”
My sister, Cordula, eight years my senior, accepted my polite greeting and looked at me with a peculiar expression before speaking.
“When I heard you were the spokesman for Germany’s new government, and then Vice-Chancellor, I thought the world was coming to an end. I suppose even a scamp like you has his day of growing up.”
“Hahaha…”
Dietrich Schacht had been quite the loafer. Born the youngest son late in life to a successful, wealthy family, the world must have seemed easy to him.
My sister, who had married and moved to England before Dietrich Schacht even volunteered for the Condor Legion and went to Spain, still remembered me as the loafer Dietrich had been.
“A gift for you.”
I handed her a bottle of Moselland Eiswein (a specialty wine from western Germany made from frozen grapes) that I had brought from Germany.
“My goodness, you really have grown up. Well, thank you.”
I had that scoundrel Dietrich to thank for at least remembering that his sister liked alcohol, especially wine. It was one of the few things I was grateful for since entering this body.
My sister, who had been prickly about my sudden request to meet my godfather after having no contact since Spain, became remarkably friendly after receiving the gift.
“Godfather is already here. This way.”
“Thank you, sister.”
Following my sister’s lead, I was greeted by an elderly gentleman nearing seventy, with a splendidly grown white beard and a fedora.
“Oh, Dietrich. It has been a very long time. How is your father?”
Montagu Norman, Governor of the Bank of England. He was a close friend of my father and my godfather, and I had memories of meeting him as a child.
“It’s been a long time. Father is doing as well as ever. He’s quite busy these days.”
He's still the same workaholic who wouldn't bleed a drop if you pricked him with a needle.
I replied, embracing him lightly, and he answered with the benevolent smile of an old man.
“Haha, that’s a good thing. I was very sorry to hear he’d been dismissed as Minister of Economics, but now he is the Chancellor of the new government…”
Norman, who had been smiling and looking at me for a moment, soon wiped the friendly expression from his face and posed a question.
“So, am I to understand that I am now receiving not the son of a dear friend, but the Vice-Chancellor of the new government?”
“That is correct, Governor of the Bank of England.”
Norman smiled faintly at my words, then stepped back to take a seat and changed his tone.
“Well then, Vice-Chancellor, I suppose I ought to hear whether it was worth this old man’s time to come here.”
“Yes, Governor. As you might expect, the new German government wishes for Great Britain to formally recognize the accession of Emperor Wilhelm III and withdraw its ultimatum. To that end, we would like you and the members of the Anglo-German Fellowship to exert your influence on Parliament.”
Montagu Norman didn't give off the same emotionless, meticulous impression as my father, Hjalmar Schacht, but he was still a member of the BIS (Bank for International Settlements), a titan of international finance, and a leading figure in the British business world.
I couldn’t help but feel a little nervous as I spoke.
“Hmm, I suspected you wanted to see me for such a purpose. But as you know, this conference is a stage set by the French. Britain holds no great ill will toward Germany’s new government, so wouldn’t it be better to silence France?”
“Of course, persuading France would be a direct solution to the problem, if it were possible. But given the new government’s position, that is next to impossible.”
In the end, what France wanted was to prove once again that they held the upper hand over Germany in these negotiations. It was laughable that they, who had been dragged around by the reckless Hitler, were now taking a hard line with the new government, which was in a weaker position due to the civil war.
With an opponent who longed to reclaim the glory of the days when they shook Germany with the Treaty of Versailles and ruined its economy by occupying the Ruhr, and who had absolutely no consideration for Germany’s position, no compromise was possible short of surrender.
“Hmm, but France has been Britain’s ally since the Great War. While I may be personally close to the new government’s Chancellor, I am also a patriot and a businessman. I cannot unconditionally support Germany if there is no benefit in it for me.”
Despite his words, British public opinion toward Germany had been reasonably favorable until Hitler broke the Munich Agreement.
Montagu Norman, in particular, had been friendly toward Germany as a key British figure in the post-Treaty of Versailles period, even pressuring France over its occupation of the Ruhr.
He had even helped transfer gold from the Czechoslovakian central bank to Germany’s after Hitler annexed the country, so it was highly likely this was just lip service, considering his position.
“I’m sure that’s the case. I haven’t come empty-handed. Would you care to take a look?”
Which meant that if there was a deal that would benefit both him and Britain, he could certainly be moved.
Montagu Norman took the documents I handed him, glanced at them for a moment, and chuckled.
“My, my. There’s quite a lot here.”
What we had prepared was a partial summary of the rampant corruption committed by the Nazis and various corporations under Nazi Germany.
It was data the Abwehr had been investigating at my request since before the Munich Agreement.
It was originally gathered as an insurance policy, to be used for the propaganda war if we failed to secure evidence of the reality of Buchenwald concentration camp during the coup, but it found a new use here instead.
Nazi Germany’s defeat by the Soviet Union was not just due to the fundamental difference in scale and American support; the incredibly corrupt and inefficient Nazi administration played a significant part.
On top of that, those Nazi bastards had their hands in every kind of business, and corporations committed every illegality imaginable to curry favor with them.
It wasn't a problem when the insane Nazis were the ones administering the law, but things would be different once the new government won the civil war.
We planned to completely seize the assets of companies that were either excessively corrupt or run by Nazi officials.
This was partly to recoup some of the losses from the MEFO bills, but in any case, we had no intention of letting companies that had actively collaborated with the Nazis through illegal means go unpunished.
“As you can see, once the civil war is over, there will be a massive corporate shake-up across all sectors. But we can’t nationalize every company, so some will be sold off.”
“Hoh…”
While nationalization has its advantages for the state, that applies mainly to key industries like armaments that have a major impact on the country, or to public goods.
Other companies would just waste administrative resources, and if we were to distribute them all to domestic firms, they too would have a limit to what they could absorb.
“We intend to revitalize the Anglo-German economic cooperation that was neglected under Hitler, and as a start, we would like to sell some of the companies that will be restructured in Germany to you at a reasonable price. If we are to pursue liberal democracy, shouldn't that be reflected in our economic exchanges as well?”
“That is indeed a mouth-watering proposition.”
This was not only a beneficial deal for British businessmen but also a way to draw their capital into Germany.
This proposal was inspired by the fact that the long period of peace enjoyed by developed nations in the 21st century was due in no small part to their mutual economic dependence.
After all, when a government decides to go to war with a country where they have business interests, it is the business community that most fervently uses its substantial influence to stop it.
“Of course, to enjoy such benefits offered by the new government, the German civil war must end as quickly and smoothly as possible.”
If the civil war intensifies and drags on, turning Germany into a wasteland with no spoils left for Britain, then it would all be for naught.
Norman smiled broadly.
“Your intentions are plain to see, but the bait is too sweet to refuse.”
“Isn't it only natural to choose a mutually beneficial path over a mutually destructive one?”
At the time of the Munich Agreement, France had an obligation to intervene if Germany invaded Czechoslovakia, but Britain did not.
As a result, France, which had been dragged along by Britain, made Britain guarantee it would also intervene.
It was a natural move for France, which would have to face Germany directly if Britain didn't join the war, but it must have been an unpalatable measure for a Britain that wanted to avoid war.
Even in this incident with the Emperor's accession, France was the one in a hurry, yet they dragged Britain into it as if it were a matter of common interest, didn't they?
Britain and France weren't blood allies with a centuries-long bond in the first place. If anything, they were closer to historical rivals.
Britain’s attempt to keep France as an ally from World War I until now was solely because of their powerful common enemy: Germany.
“Haha, you are right. Hjalmar must be proud.”
“Thank you.”
We shook hands with smiles on our faces.
When a once-close ally has become an irritating and troublesome burden, and when common interests begin to fade, there is no reason not to switch to the side offering sweeter fruit.
France, acting out of desperation and with a short-sighted approach, would have to pay a steep price.
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