Chapter 51
Chapter 51
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Translator: Vine
Chapter: 51
Chapter Title: The German Civil War - The Shadow of Versailles (1)
-----------------------------------------------------------------
September 25, 1939
Southern British Isles, London, the Capital of the United Kingdom
There was someone in the conference room I hadn't expected to see.
The British Foreign Secretary, Lord Halifax, Edward Wood. Well, that was to be expected.
The British Prime Minister, Neville "Peace for our time" Chamberlain, was also there, which made sense given the gravity of the situation.
But the French representative was Prime Minister Édouard Daladier?
I had secretly been hoping for the anti-war French Foreign Minister, Georges Bonnet, to appear, so I felt a chill run down my spine.
They said the French Radical Party was on shaky ground, and it seems they really are desperate. To think the Prime Minister would come all this way himself, and without his conciliatory Foreign Minister at that.
France's determination to pressure our new government and extract something, anything, was so palpable that Weizsäcker and I could only exchange bitter smiles.
And before all that, being the only young man in a room full of seasoned politicians was making me a little nervous.
“It seems even the London weather welcomes you both. Foreign Minister Weizsäcker, and Vice-Chancellor Schacht. A Vice-Chancellor of the Chancellery... hmm. Should I understand that to be equivalent to a Deputy Prime Minister?”
“That is correct, Prime Minister Chamberlain.”
I replied to Chamberlain with a smile. It was certainly a strange title, but well, you had to hand it to Wilhelm III for his obsession with the title of Chancellor.
He had insisted on calling the positions Minister and Vice-Minister of the Chancellery, slightly lowering their prestige, because he felt the title of Vice-Chancellor was too much for someone my age.
At a glance, a "Minister" or "Vice-Minister" of the "Chancellery" might sound on par with those from other ministries. The politicians, who knew better, wouldn't be fooled by such wordplay, but the public was a different story.
Chamberlain's complexion was a little pale. Was he ill?
“We are already acquainted, but it is my first time meeting Vice-Chancellor Schacht. Everyone is quite interested in the Chancellor’s son, who has become a high-ranking official in Germany’s new government at such a young age.”
To the remark from Daladier, who boasted a thick neck and a commanding presence, I merely offered a smile. His words had barbs.
There was surely much talk, both good and bad, about an unknown 28-year-old major who had suddenly become the spokesperson and second-in-command of Germany's new government.
“We view your new government's announcement—that it will transition from an emergency wartime cabinet to establish a democratic government—in a positive light. However, we lack confidence that you will establish a 'normal' democratic government.”
Though they were called Minister and Vice-Minister, it was essentially a case of the emperor appointing a father as Chancellor and his son as Vice-Chancellor.
I couldn't blame them for harboring suspicions about whether we truly intended to create a proper democracy.
“Ahem, for now, let us move on to the main agenda of this meeting.”
It was the British Foreign Secretary, Halifax, who cut through the tense exchange between Daladier and us. Daladier narrowed his eyes slightly, but true to form for the notoriously self-serving British, they were only concerned with their own agenda.
In any case, it wasn't a bad thing for us, so Foreign Minister Weizsäcker began to speak.
“The new German government's position is as follows. First, the ultimatum issued by Britain and France was in response to the revival of an absolute monarchy by the House of Hohenzollern—that is, a dictatorship by a war criminal.”
It was a statement that left a bitter taste in our mouths.
“Second, the current new German government has made it clear that it is a constitutional monarchy, and the current emergency wartime cabinet is a transitional government. A democratic government will be formed once the German Civil War has concluded and a national referendum can be held normally.”
The other parties in the meeting were, unsurprisingly, unimpressed.
“Third, based on this, your assertion of a threat of war due to the revival of a dictatorship by a war criminal does not align with the current situation. We therefore request the withdrawal of your demand to abolish the House of Hohenzollern, as it is difficult to accept given the current public sentiment in Germany. That is all.”
The first to react was Halifax.
“So, the new German government aspires to peace and democracy, not war and dictatorship?”
“That is correct.”
“We look favorably upon a new government that seeks to establish democracy in Germany in opposition to a fascist dictator. The revival of the House of Hohenzollern is not entirely unacceptable either, considering the particular circumstances of your country, where the influence of the royalist military is substantial.”
Realistically, the new government could not control the German military without the Emperor. There was a vast difference between having a commander-in-chief respected by the military, even if only nominally, and not having one.
Even Hitler, who had gained absolute power through the Enabling Act, had struggled to control the military only after purging it several times. We were in the middle of a civil war, and if the military were to abandon us now, we would be doomed.
Halifax, feigning sympathy for our situation, smiled warmly at Weizsäcker and me before continuing.
“If Germany truly intends to establish a normal democratic nation and has no intention of going to war, then you will, of course, accept the liberation of Czechoslovakia, which Hitler illegally annexed, will you not?”
So they were bringing that up. To be fair, the annexation of Czechoslovakia was an undeniable act of Hitler’s aggression.
We had very little ground to stand on regarding this issue. The problem was—
“Regrettably, the matter of Czechoslovakia cannot be discussed at this time, as we are in the midst of a civil war. Czechoslovakia is currently occupied by the Nazis, and any rash discussion of its liberation could strengthen Hitler's position.”
They couldn't possibly be unaware of that, so bringing it up now meant they intended to use it as leverage someday.
Nothing was ever easy.
Next up was Daladier.
“Ah, of course, we are well aware of Germany's situation with the civil war. It may be difficult to discuss Czechoslovakia when you have not yet secured it.”
Daladier smiled amiably before getting to his point.
“Instead, regarding the damages Germany inflicted upon the Allied Powers in the last Great War, we believe there should be no issue with the reimplementation of the Treaty of Versailles, which was signed to prevent recurrence and maintain peace.”
Well, I had anticipated this the moment he decided to come all this way, but they were certainly asking for a lot.
They wanted to resurrect the treaty that placed all blame for World War I on Germany and was designed to suck Germany dry to repair the damages France had suffered.
I looked toward Chamberlain and asked.
“Is Britain's position the same?”
“Cough, cough.”
But Chamberlain covered his mouth with a handkerchief and coughed. It wasn't to feign indifference; he looked genuinely unwell. Was this man's health failing?
“Cough, my apologies. The Foreign Secretary will lead the talks.”
“It’s quite all right, Prime Minister.”
That's what he said, but it made me wonder if Chamberlain's death soon after his resignation wasn't simply due to mental despair.
I turned my gaze to Halifax.
“Well, the Treaty of Versailles is merely one means to an end, but surely some condition is necessary to demonstrate Germany's sincerity, is it not?”
Halifax's response was also within the range of my expectations.
Britain could get by without relying on something like the Treaty of Versailles, but France, with its precarious political and economic state, was pushing for the treaty that could solve both problems at once.
But the moment we accepted that, Weizsäcker and I would be finished, at the very least. If we were unlucky, the new government itself would be finished.
These people were nothing more than robbers without knives.
The military junta that had made the reckless move of trying to bring back Wilhelm II and restore an absolute monarchy was certainly a problem, but these men knew full well that we had already dealt with that junta.
Demanding this and that from a government that intended to form a democracy under a constitutional monarchy was nothing but an attempt to extort us now that they had an excuse.
“Regrettably, as the new German government is currently in the midst of a civil war, we are not in a position to discuss the immediate reimplementation of the Treaty of Versailles.”
At the Foreign Minister's words, Daladier replied as if he had been waiting for them.
“Ah, of course, we deeply understand your situation. We can agree to reimplement the Treaty of Versailles after the civil war ends. In return, France and Britain are willing to support your government and provide necessary equipment for the war.”
“Equipment, you say?”
“France can provide Lebel and Berthier rifles, and Britain can provide Lee-Enfield rifles.”
The most readily available infantry rifles, and surplus old-fashioned bolt-actions at that. Our own standard-issue Kar98k was a perfectly fine bolt-action rifle, but the ammunition wasn't compatible with those.
Of course, we had purchased large quantities of those surplus rifles from Spain on the cheap for use in the Free Corps, so it wasn't as if we couldn't use them.
But in exchange for the astronomical reparations of the Treaty of Versailles, they were offering outdated rifles? Were they joking?
In short, this was a game of hot potato.
Everyone in this room knew that Germany could not depose Wilhelm III. In truth, now that we had given up on Wilhelm II and declared a constitutional monarchy, how much of a problem could the House of Hohenzollern really be?
France, facing electoral defeat, was trying to pass the bomb to Germany to avoid blowing up themselves. Britain didn't particularly care, but if someone had to explode, they'd rather it be the less essential party than one of their own.
They were just looking to get something out of it while they were at it. Unlike the truly desperate French, the British were like well-fed pigs, determined to strip us bare now that we were in a weaker position. I found them even more detestable.
Our enemy was their enemy, the fascist Germany, and we were shedding blood in their stead, but there was no such thing as a convenient story of them helping us out in international diplomacy.
Unlike Spain, Germany was a sufficiently threatening nation by their standards, so they likely hoped we would continue to bleed for a long, precarious time, ruining Germany's national strength.
In fact, our situation of waging a civil war that was more of a war of public opinion until now was probably quite displeasing to them.
“Your demands...”
“I apologize for the interruption, but this is an urgent matter.”
I was about to respond to their shameless proposal—generously offering to recognize an already enthroned emperor in exchange for pulling out the pillars of our nation—when I was suddenly interrupted by someone carrying a telegram.
Weizsäcker took the telegram, and his face turned deathly pale as he handed it to me.
“This is...”
The contents of the telegram were simple.
Italy's Mussolini, as an ally of Nazi Germany, had declared war on the new German government—or, in their words, the German rebels.
The Allied representatives, who had received a similar telegram, also had rather complicated expressions.
How do you think it feels to have war declared on you in the middle of diplomatic negotiations?
Absolutely fantastic. Thrilling.
-
September 26, 1939
Southern British Isles, London, the Capital of the United Kingdom – German Embassy in the UK
In the end, our meeting was postponed on the grounds that "the situation has changed."
Mussolini had been desperately sending overtures to Britain and France, suggesting a revival of the Stresa Front, but he had been thoroughly ignored.
In the midst of that, when the military junta's coup collapsed in three days and a tripartite conference was held between our new government and them, he must have grown impatient and just declared war.
Was his idea to make a swift move before we could possibly reconcile with Britain and France, whose relations with our new government were strained by the Hohenzollern enthronement caused by the military junta?
This was quite something.
“I don't know what Mussolini was promised to start this war, but our army must be able to respond in time.”
The new government's main forces were all on the northern front, facing the Nazis. Italy would have to pass through Austria, but could we get our forces there in time?
But we were here in Britain and could do nothing. We had no choice but to trust my father and Ludwig Beck.
If there was a silver lining to this misfortune...
In the original history, Mussolini had overestimated himself and acted recklessly more than once, but I didn't know whether to laugh or cry.
"The thought of the soldiers who will die at the front because of Mussolini's greed makes my blood boil, but at least here at the negotiating table, Mussolini has saved us.”
Until Mussolini's rash move, Britain and France had been fully intent on pressuring us to get whatever they could.
But with Italy joining the Nazis, Britain, which had hoped for the German Civil War to drag on and end with no victor or only a pyrrhic one, now had its own feet to the fire.
Britain would dislike our victory with minimal damage, but they would dislike even more a swift takeover of Germany by Hitler, allied with Italy.
“But France won't be so considerate. They might even pressure us by threatening to side with Italy if things go south.”
Director Erich Kordt—no, the new government's Foreign Vice-Minister, whom I hadn't seen in a while—had been shuttling between Britain and France, working to improve our new government's standing.
The military junta's actions had considerably tarnished his efforts, though...
“That's likely. They're cornered.”
There's no way to satisfy France right now anyway. The Treaty of Versailles? The moment we agree to reimplement it, we'll lose the support of both the people and the military.
And what do we have to offer France? Nothing. What could a government that controlled only half of Germany during a civil war possibly have to give?
"However, now that Italy has joined hands with Hitler, it will be difficult for them to join hands with France."
Mussolini could have offered France a piece of German territory if he had allied with them first before attacking Germany.
But since he joined the war as Hitler's ally, that was impossible. The relationship between the Nazi regime and France was abysmal. They would be better off with our new government.
"Just as planned, then. We'll completely ignore France and focus on moving Britain.”
Ultimately, our goal was to isolate France.
There was no point in using appeasement tactics against those who were openly trying to kill us to save themselves.
“For this matter, Vice-Chancellor Schacht, your role will be crucial. Do you think you can do it?”
Foreign Minister Weizsäcker spoke with a hint of anxiety.
Most of the looks I get these days are filled with concern. The Foreign Ministry is one of the few places where I have a relatively high degree of trust, thanks to my past performance, but even here it was like this.
A man in his late twenties, dispatched as the government's second-in-command to handle diplomatic negotiations with great powers like Britain and France in such a crisis.
I'd be anxious too, if I were them. My appointment as Vice-Chancellor of the Chancellery itself went without open complaint, thanks to my track record, my significant contribution to suppressing the military coup, and the fact that the Emperor himself appointed me, but...
Though no one said it aloud, there were surely plenty of people in the new government who would be eager to have me removed the moment I made a single mistake, muttering about how it was too soon for me.
My father, Hjalmar Schacht, who knew all this and still sent me while he stayed behind to manage the state's affairs, was quite something else.
Maybe he has blue blood flowing in his veins.
“I'll have to see when I get there, but I believe we have a fighting chance.”
My apologies to Daladier, but my back was against the wall. When I was just a captain, then a major, the scope of what I could influence was extremely limited, and it was a struggle.
Even if this fancy title came from that damn Emperor, I had to use what I've been given to its fullest and actively overcome this crisis.
To do that, I had to succeed in this mission, no matter how difficult it was from the start.
“I have some connections, and the cards I have to play are decent enough.”
Still, it was quite a boon that my father, Hjalmar Schacht, had become the head of the government.
Before Germany's diplomacy went to hell, he had built a considerable network with financial figures in various countries, and the most important of them was right here in Britain.
The cards in our hands right now were extremely few. So, if there was anything we could use now, wouldn't it be investments secured by promising the future?
When conducting diplomacy with a democratic, or rather, a capitalist nation, one doesn't always have to play a difficult hand at the conference table. There's a fine tradition called lobbying.
It seemed Dietrich Schacht was about to meet his sister, nephew, and godfather for the first time in a very long while—or for the first time, in my case.
The Governor of the Bank of England, Montagu Norman. He is a friend who has worked with my father for a long time, both personally and professionally, and he is my nephew's godfather.
With nothing to offer at the moment, our plan to win over Britain was to mobilize him and the businessmen of the Anglo-German cooperation organizations.
As I was deep in thought, an embassy staff member approached us with a letter.
“Captain Schacht—ah, no, Major. That's not right! My apologies, Vice-Chancellor.”
My rank had changed so quickly that even Erich Kordt—no, he was a Vice-Minister now too—made mistakes.
In any case, Erich Kordt, after fumbling several times, handed me the letter he had received from the staffer.
“It's quite all right. But is this letter for me?”
A letter for me, here in Britain? Who could it be?
“Yes, it is.”
Let's see. Who sent me a letter?
When I saw the sender's name, I couldn't help but freeze.
Sir Winston Churchill.
The indomitable hero and cruel imperialist, Hitler's adversary, had invited me.
< The German Civil War - The Shadow of Versailles (1) > End