Chapter 36
Chapter 36
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 36
Chapter Title: Widerstand (6)
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The coup plot was proceeding smoothly. The candidates we selected for recruitment were chosen carefully over several months, even referencing my knowledge of the original history, so most of them joined us with little trouble.
Manstein maintained his opportunistic stance to the very end, stating that on the day of the uprising, he would simply remain in his post as Chief of Staff of Army Group South. Considering his disposition, however, this wasn't exactly unexpected.
After all, what we needed from Manstein was for him to use that brilliant mind of his to properly formulate our operational plans. As in the original history, the German army had plenty of tactically superior generals to execute a well-laid plan.
What made him irreplaceable was his ability to position those generals and their units in the right places at the right times to devise the optimal offensive strategy.
His opportunism was irritating, but if, while testing the waters, Manstein managed to hit the jackpot and convince even a part of Army Group South to join the resistance, that would be a welcome bonus.
The problem was my mentor, Walter Model. I knew of his phenomenal abilities and was personally grateful to him, so I wanted to win him over if at all possible.
But he was a rigid man who was extremely wary of military involvement in politics, and he habitually preached that loyalty to the state and the regime was a soldier's virtue.
Moreover, in the aftermath of his previous demotion, he was still only a Major General. Thanks to Brauchitsch's patronage, he had at least been appointed Chief of Staff of the 4th Army Corps, part of Army Group South, but—
The members of the Black Orchestra judged that approaching General Model, who seemed unlikely to be swayed and would only perform a chief of staff role that Manstein was already filling, would only increase the risk of leaking the plan.
Although he steered clear of politics, his close relationship with Army Commander-in-Chief Brauchitsch—who, after disappointing the Black Orchestra on numerous occasions, was now classified as pro-Nazi—also raised suspicion.
No one at this point knew that he would later display abilities as a field commander even more formidable than Manstein's, earning a reputation as the greatest defensive commander of World War II.
Nor did they know that he would defend Germany to the end in the final, desperate days of the war, fending off an overwhelming enemy from the front while dealing with the SS at his back, who were bullying him to hand over officers accused of treason, only to ultimately commit suicide, blaming himself for having fought for a criminal regime.
At this point, only I knew his true nature. But there was no way to convince the leadership of the Black Orchestra of this.
Even I didn't think Walter Model was likely to agree, so in the end, I had to give up on persuading him.
I didn't want to fight him if I could help it, but considering his loyalty to his superior, Brauchitsch, that was just wishful thinking.
In this timeline, would he also fight for the Nazi regime, only to lament that he had fought for a criminal government?
...Would he forgive me? I don't know.
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July 22, 1939
A residence owned by Hjalmar Schacht, Berlin, Northern Germany
In the original history, less than six weeks remained until the outbreak of World War II.
In my father's residence, which had once again become a safe house for the resistance's working-level members, all the key operatives of the plan had gathered.
There was me; Lieutenant Colonel Oster, Deputy Director of the Abwehr and a core instigator; and Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow, who had introduced me to the resistance and had consistently helped me since the Munich Agreement.
Also present were Erich Kordt, Director of the European Department at the Foreign Office, and finally, Claudia, our contact from the Frankfurter Zeitung.
“Captain Schacht, Ribbentrop has really begun to consider cooperation between Germany and the Soviet Union.”
Hearing the words of Erich Kordt, the Director of the European Department, I had a feeling that the inevitable had arrived. The resistance's coup preparations were nearly complete.
Unlike during the Sudetenland Crisis, when we were desperately short on time, my own standing had grown considerably, and while the higher-ups in the Black Orchestra kept their distance, it actually allowed for faster work among the operatives.
The intensity of warnings and pressure from France and Britain was escalating by the day. After the Soviet Foreign Minister, Molotov, issued a statement on July 17 during talks with Britain and France, insisting that a military pact must be considered, the sense of crisis grew—a fear that invading Poland might lead to war with the Soviet Union as well.
The problem was the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact.
The moment it was signed, the German people and the military would be greatly relieved, believing there would be no war with the Soviets. They would then fall for Hitler's boasts that Britain and France wouldn't dare to intervene, and invade Poland.
That pact had to be stopped, no matter the cost.
“Ribbentrop sees the dismissal of the Jewish Litvinov in April and Molotov's appointment in his place as a move intended to appease us. He also believes their statement on July 17 is actually proof that Britain and France's response has been lukewarm.”
Looking at it this way, while Ribbentrop may have been ignorant of diplomatic practices and etiquette, he did possess a surprisingly sharp intuition.
The dismissal of Soviet Foreign Minister Litvinov wasn't specifically a conciliatory gesture aimed at Germany. It was simply a Stalin-style personnel change, replacing the opinionated Litvinov with the yes-man Molotov.
On the other hand, Ribbentrop had accurately assessed the Soviet statement urging a military pact during the tripartite talks. As soon as he became Foreign Minister, Molotov had tried to realize the triple alliance between Britain, France, and the Soviet Union that Litvinov had envisioned, in order to check Germany.
But Britain and France did not trust a communist state that openly spoke of world revolution. When their ally, Poland, took a hard line, stating that cooperation with the Soviets was absolutely impossible due to historical animosity, they responded coolly to the Soviet Union's outstretched hand.
The Soviet statement on July 17 was an expression of that anxiety. The general German public and the military, unaware of the diplomatic nuances, were greatly concerned by the statement, fearing the possibility of Soviet intervention if Poland were invaded. But, just as the Soviets had worried, the talks with Britain and France yielded little.
In fact, it was a deeply disappointed Stalin who, despite the ideological enmity, would choose the non-aggression pact with Germany.
“...Cooperation between Germany and the Soviet Union must never be allowed to happen. Public and military opinion is already being consumed by anxiety over the war. If we achieve some diplomatic success with the Soviets, our uprising will become much more difficult.”
“But Captain Schacht, forgive me for saying this now, but if, by some chance, we could join hands with the Soviets and strike Poland, wouldn't it be possible to reclaim Danzig and the Corridor that Germany has longed for? I can't imagine those cowards in Britain and France would declare war without the Soviets backing them...”
The one who objected to my words, puffing heavily on a cigarette, was Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow. Yes, this was the problem. If the non-aggression pact was signed, the vast majority of the German people and the military would think exactly this way.
“Britain and France will declare war unconditionally, Lieutenant Colonel.”
Tresckow raised an eyebrow at my words, but he waited for me to continue.
“The reason Britain and France gave so much to us during the Sudetenland Crisis, even while suffering the humiliation of the Munich Agreement, wasn't because they thought Germany was stronger than them. Firstly, it was because avoiding war was more favorable for winning votes.”
The Munich Agreement is condemned as the world's worst deal, one that Chamberlain handed over because he was intimidated by Hitler's bluff, but in truth, the British Prime Minister wasn't that foolish.
They may have overestimated Germany's military strength and wanted to avoid a war before their own rearmament was complete, but during the Sudetenland Crisis, Britain and France never seriously believed they would lose a war with Germany.
As politicians in democratic countries sensitive to public opinion, they simply wanted to avoid war.
Having shed the blood of countless young men in a world war just twenty years prior, they didn't want to bear the political risk of starting another one. They figured that if they could avoid war by selling out a minor ally, it was a profitable trade.
A man who had lived through ‘the war to end all wars’—and a national leader at that—had been given the Sudetenland.
Was it really possible to predict that this same man, who had promised with his own mouth that he had no further territorial demands, would turn out to be a lunatic who would stab them in the back less than six months later?
“And secondly, it was because we were a staunchly anti-communist nation. They were willing to let our national power grow somewhat, hoping to satisfy us and use us as a check against the Soviet Union.”
Stalin's suspicions, born from seeing Britain and France's passivity in the tripartite talks, were not entirely unfounded. The prospect of two powerful dictatorships fighting to the death and destroying each other was an incredibly tempting scenario for nations that wanted to avoid another war after the last one, wasn't it?
“However, if we join hands with the Soviets, they will never stand idly by and watch us grow. Not for the sake of winning elections, and not from a strategic perspective. And it's not as if the Soviets would help us in a war against them, either. Isn't that right, Director Kordt?”
Director Kordt considered my question for a moment before answering.
“From my position overseeing European diplomacy, the Captain's opinion is quite plausible. I'm not sure I can be as certain as you are, but even I didn't foresee Ribbentrop pursuing cooperation with the Soviets... Perhaps you're better at this than I am. Haha...”
“Not at all, Director. On the contrary, I am always receiving your help.”
Saying that pricked my conscience a little, since I only knew because I'd seen it from the modern era...
“Captain Schacht, I understand your point that we must prevent cooperation between Germany and the Soviet Union. The faith in Hitler, which soared after the Munich Agreement, is just now beginning to waver under the threat of war. We can't let that go to waste. But how do you plan to stop it?”
Lieutenant Colonel Oster's question was something I had pondered for a long time myself. The non-aggression pact. How could I stop it?
Mobilizing the Abwehr to drive a wedge between Germany and the Soviet Union was out of the question; the agency was already expending significant resources on carrying out the coup plan and concealing its progress.
Moreover, the Soviet intelligence agencies of this era were extremely competent. They could run circles around their British and French counterparts. Attempting anything foolish would be far too risky.
In the end, no matter how much I thought about it, there was only one answer.
“Has Ribbentrop informed Hitler about this potential cooperation with the Soviets?”
“As usual with him, he was so impressed with his own sudden idea that he just went home for the day. He hasn't drawn up any concrete plans yet, so... I can't be certain, but it seems he hasn't.”
Even if I wanted to consider if this was truly the only way, there was no time. If I hesitated now, World War II would break out, and it would all be over.
From this point on, history would completely diverge from the original timeline, rendering my knowledge of it meaningless. It would truly come down to my own abilities and those of the resistance.
“...Let's eliminate Ribbentrop.”
Fortunately, the non-aggression pact was essentially Ribbentrop's one-man show. No one in the Nazi regime, a fascist government founded on anti-communism, had conceived of the idea of joining hands with the Soviets to carve up Poland.
Perhaps it was precisely because Ribbentrop was a former liquor salesman and a diplomat with zero practical skills that he was capable of such an unconventional idea, unfettered by ideology or diplomatic dogma.
With most of the Foreign Office personnel on our side, including Vice-Minister Weizsäcker and Director Erich Kordt, we could somehow manage to block the non-aggression pact, if only Ribbentrop were out of the picture.
“It's too risky, Captain. The uprising is so close. Raising the Nazis' guard to its highest level now would be....”
Lieutenant Colonel Oster's concern was justified. In truth, I didn't want to resort to this either, but....
“We'll disguise it as a hate crime committed by Jews or the Red Orchestra. If we've come this far only for the public and the military to be put at ease again, our chance to launch the uprising before the war will be lost forever.”
“The leadership won't agree. I trust you, but frankly, I also have a nagging feeling that you might be overreacting....”
At Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow's reluctant comment, I had to bite my lip. Damn it, how was I supposed to make them understand knowledge that only I possessed?
“Your concerns and diplomatic views seem plausible enough to me. But I have to agree with Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow that the leadership won't approve. Even so, if we were to push ahead, we'd have to handle it ourselves. Who would take on such a risk?”
The answer to Lieutenant Colonel Oster's question was already decided. Even these men, who had trusted one another and followed me this far, were hesitant. There was no way the leadership would hear this and approve it.
“I'll do it.”
“No, you can't.”
But the moment I volunteered, I was met with Lieutenant Colonel Oster's opposition.
“Whether the elimination of Ribbentrop succeeds or fails, the operative will have to flee the country or go into hiding somewhere. There's a limit to what the Abwehr can cover up. Therefore, you, a key operative in this plan, absolutely cannot do it.”
Damn it. So it's no good. If we stage the coup before the non-aggression pact is signed, our justification will be sorely lacking. I have to stop it somehow, but there's no way.
“I'll do it. I've worked as a Foreign Office reporter for a long time, so I'm acquainted with Ribbentrop. He wouldn't be as guarded around me, making it easier to approach him.”
As we were lost in thought, Claudia stepped forward.
“Wait, Claudia.”
“What? Miss Jung, we appreciate your resolve, but this is not a matter for a civilian to get involved in.”
Despite my and Oster's horrified reactions, Claudia continued to speak with unwavering eyes.
“My father, Edgar Julius Jung, was the secretary to the former Chancellor who handed power to Hitler, Franz von Papen. Papen gained attention for his speech at the University of Marburg opposing Hitler.”
The Marburg speech. I knew that in 1934, Franz von Papen had given a speech that openly opposed Hitler, who had not yet become Führer. This brought him to the attention of Britain and France, and an enraged Hitler and Goebbels tried to suppress the speech's publication, but failed.
“That speech... I helped my father write it. I had just entered university and was still full of naive dreams, so I had no idea what the consequences would be. ...Two weeks later was the Night of the Long Knives.”
To me, it was just another event from the past. For most people living in the modern world, it's an incident with little connection to World War II, and therefore, of little importance.
“While dealing with the SA, the Nazis also eliminated political enemies they found troublesome. But Franz von Papen was already a politician in the eyes of Britain and France, so instead, as a warning, they killed my father, the one who wrote the speech.”
But for her, living in this era, it was the most important event of her life.
“He only wrote the speech because he was told to. I had to hide in a closet and just watch as my father was beaten and dragged away by the SS. ...Do you know what a body looks like after it's been thrown in a river?”
This was why she had shown such consistent interest in our work, and why she had so readily agreed to my life-threatening proposal.
“The police pretended not to know anything, and the pastor who claimed to be my father's friend—acting more devout than anyone—said he had received divine punishment for defying the savior sent by God.”
It was the first time I had ever seen her—the always composed and confident Claudia—with red-rimmed eyes, trembling.
“I'm not essential to the plan, and I was officially processed as having resigned from the Frankfurter Zeitung from the moment I first made contact with you all. The main office is already involved, so they'll help you even without me. There's no problem. I've worked with Social Democrats, so it will be easy to disguise this as an act of terror by the Red Orchestra.”
How long had she been waiting for an opportunity like this? I don't know when I took her hand.
I didn't want to let her do something that would put her in danger. She squeezed my hand back, but contrary to my wishes, she continued speaking.
“...Gentlemen, I am not an outsider. I have a reason to hate them.”
She was never the type to be a protected princess in the first place. Neither I, nor Oster, nor Tresckow. None of us could say a word after seeing the look in her eyes.
“So, if this must be done, please entrust it to me. Let me play my part in bringing those damned bastards down.”
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