Chapter 35
Chapter 35
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Translator: Vine
Chapter: 35
Chapter Title: Interwar Period - Widerstand (5)
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< Interwar Period - Widerstand (5) >
On April 5th, Italy swallowed the small nation of Albania, but thanks to Nazi Germany drawing all of Europe’s ire, the event passed largely unnoticed.
Britain and France used every means at their disposal—trade sanctions, warnings, and more—to pressure Germany, cautioning that they would no longer tolerate any further territorial ambitions. Hitler’s response was remarkably concise.
On April 28th, Hitler tore up the German-Polish Non-Aggression Pact, which had been signed to resolve a trade war with Poland. He also unilaterally nullified the Anglo-German Naval Agreement, a concession Britain had made to Germany despite criticism from France and Italy.
Hitler’s message was clear: he would secure Danzig no matter what Britain and France did. Around the same time, the Soviet Union dismissed Maxim Litvinov from his post as People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and appointed Vyacheslav Molotov.
As summer began, Hitler started pressuring Poland: hand over Danzig or choose war.
But Poland, a nation that had participated in the dismemberment of its strategic ally Czechoslovakia just to seize a small territory like Cieszyn, had no intention of giving up its only access to the sea.
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July 10, 1939
An apartment owned by the resistance, Berlin, Northern Germany
The Black Orchestra gathered once more, led by former Army Chief of Staff Ludwig Beck and Dr. Goerdeler, a leading figure among monarchist-conservative politicians.
In the original history, they would have reconvened too late, missing their chance as the invasions of Poland and France unfolded before they could make any preparations. They would not act until 1944 with the failed Operation Valkyrie.
“It is true that Hitler’s adventurism is bringing great danger to Germany, but he has succeeded in all his ventures so far. Perhaps he can pull off Danzig this time as well. Is it worth us taking such a risk…?”
Despite having gathered everyone, Ludwig Beck once again made an indecisive remark. Honestly, this man…
“With all due respect, Colonel General, the situation is different this time. They already sold out the Sudetenland to buy peace, but Hitler’s annexation of the rest of Czechoslovakia has shattered Germany’s diplomatic credibility.”
Now, when I spoke like this, no one tried to stop me or got angry. While the higher-ups had stepped back, I had been working as a key operative for the resistance. I was no longer just some captain.
The funds provided by my father, Hjalmar Schacht, Count Moltke—whom I had brought in—and the wealthy Silesian magnates had contributed significantly to the Abwehr’s operations.
Director Canaris had not forgotten his gratitude, and the protection of the director, the only resistance leader who had remained to offer support, guaranteed me a firm voice at the table.
“But reclaiming Danzig and the Polish Corridor is the wish of all of Germany, not just Hitler, Captain. With the opportunity to reclaim it right before us, we risk a backlash if we stage a coup.”
General of the Infantry Erwin von Witzleben’s point was valid. Whether fascist, democrat, social democrat, or even communist, every German wanted Danzig and the Polish Corridor back.
“Of course, General. But are you prepared to go to war with Britain and France to reclaim Danzig? The Siegfried Line won't last long against the French army.”
Hitler’s order in January to plan the invasion of Poland had been slightly delayed by the military’s desperate opposition, but in April, the drafting of a concrete offensive plan had finally begun.
The Siegfried Line was a defensive line built on the Western Front to defend against a potential French invasion.
Colonel General Wilhelm Ritter von Lepp, who was to command Army Group C on the Siegfried Line, had warned Hitler that it would fall in three days if the French attacked. Hitler had boasted it would hold for three years, leaving von Lepp to clutch the back of his neck in despair.
In the original history, France was famous for the “Phoney War,” sitting behind the Maginot Line and not fighting Germany during the invasion of Poland. But in reality, the French army did advance into the Saarland and engage Army Group C on the Siegfried Line.
At that time, Army Group C was overwhelmingly outnumbered and was pushed back, unable to put up a proper fight. Although Hitler had ordered them not to engage the French, the disparity in strength was too great to stop them anyway.
If the French high command, frightened by the rapid collapse of the Polish front, hadn’t ordered a retreat to defend the Maginot Line, it wouldn’t have been surprising if the Ruhr industrial region had been occupied.
“If Hitler truly wanted to reclaim the Danzig Corridor without going to war with Britain and France, he should have prioritized Danzig over the Sudetenland and Czechoslovakia.”
Had he done so, it’s not entirely impossible that Poland might have yielded under pressure from Britain and France when Nazi Germany demanded only the cession of Danzig and extraterritorial rights for a railway.
Then again, it was unlikely that Poland, a nation ridiculously proud and bent on territorial expansion throughout the interwar period, would have accepted such a treaty.
Hitler’s demands were, in reality, not as reasonable as they appeared on the surface, but then again, Czechoslovakia didn’t accept the Munich Agreement because its terms were acceptable.
Even with the situation as it was, Poland was a country that would never join hands with the Soviet Union, recoiling at the Anglo-French and Soviet proposal for a common front against Germany.
Before Germany’s credibility hit rock bottom with the Munich Agreement and the annexation of Czechoslovakia, Britain and France might have sold out Danzig to buy peace, just as they had with the Sudetenland.
“Britain and France have no more room to retreat. It has already been proven that peace cannot be bought by selling out a perfectly good ally, and their elections are just around the corner. If they realize that preserving peace at home will no longer secure their positions, they will gladly send their young men to the front lines.”
The British general election was in November 1939.
Even Neville Chamberlain, who had tried to prevent war at all costs, even being accused of betraying the West, ultimately chose war because he realized that continuing to be dragged along by Germany would destroy the Conservative Party’s standing.
At this point, no one could have predicted that France, shielded by the Maginot Line, would engage in a “Phoney War” only to fall in six weeks.
That was why Britain and France could boldly declare war, and why the German military feared such a conflict.
The high-ranking members of the Black Orchestra were still hesitant, but they now knew that we were no longer solely dependent on them.
After all, the practical planning was handled almost entirely by myself, Lieutenant Colonel Oster, and Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow, with support from the factions I had brought in and from the Abwehr.
“Do you have a plan?”
Finally, Beck’s question came. Getting this far was half the battle. I stepped back, yielding the floor to Lieutenant Colonel Oster, who spread an operational map on the table.
“This is the operational plan for the invasion of Poland. It’s not yet complete, but it’s in the detailed planning stage, so it will suffice. Hitler has placed generals loyal to him, or at least those who have not openly opposed him, in the Polish invasion force. Those who are not are stationed on the Siegfried Line… the Western Front.”
As Beck and the other generals nodded, Oster continued, pointing at the map.
“The commander of Army Group C on the Western Front, the Siegfried Line, is Colonel General Wilhelm Ritter von Lepp. He is dissatisfied with Hitler and the Nazis and is a monarchist, so he can be persuaded. If we win him over, we can secure Army Group C’s headquarters in Frankfurt.”
He was a staunch monarchist who didn't suit the Nazi Party's tastes. He had been dismissed during the Blomberg-Fritsch affair, recalled for the Sudetenland crisis, and then dismissed again after the Munich Agreement was signed.
And now, after being promoted to Colonel General, he had been placed in command of Army Group C—a disposable pawn meant to buy time against the French.
It wasn't hard to imagine how disgruntled he must be, having told Hitler to his face that the Siegfried Line would only hold for three days at most.
Moreover, Frankfurt was a major city and a key railway hub in central Germany. It was also home to the headquarters of the *Frankfurter Zeitung*, the newspaper that would carry out my plans. It was an excellent choice for a provisional capital for the new government during a civil war.
“The 1st Army under Army Group C is your unit, General von Witzleben. We trust you can secure the Saarland.”
“I can handle my troops. The problem is the 24th Corps Commander, Walter Kuntze, a Nazi sympathizer. He will need to be dealt with appropriately.”
Von Witzleben, who had been the most proactive among the senior generals during the last attempted coup, once again offered us his staunch support.
“Friedrich Dollmann of the 7th Army, stationed in Stuttgart, is an ardent Nazi and cannot be persuaded. We plan to arrest him on the day of the coup and appoint Colonel General Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord, who was dismissed for opposing Hitler, as the new commander.”
The senior generals murmured among themselves.
“What you’re saying… Lieutenant Colonel Oster. Are you proposing a civil war? Your plan sounds like you intend to completely secure western Germany.”
“We will attempt to assassinate Hitler. Count Blumenthal will handle this, as planned during the Sudetenland crisis. However…”
At Oster’s nod, I stepped forward.
“Unfortunately, since our failure during the Munich Agreement, the German people’s support for Hitler and the Nazis is higher than ever. Even if the assassination succeeds, as long as public support for the Nazis remains strong, someone like Himmler or Göring could crush us, as we have no base of support.”
At the word “unfortunately,” the higher-ups cleared their throats, showing their discomfort, but for me, this was the most diplomatic phrasing I could manage. That damned Halder…
“Therefore, we cannot bet everything on a gamble like assassinating Hitler. We need time to win back the support of the people, and securing a base of operations for that is essential.”
The senior generals were murmuring amongst themselves, exchanging opinions, but I was confident.
This plan had been prepared over several months with Lieutenant Colonel Oster and Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow, meticulously checking the order of battle for the Polish invasion, the corps formations, and the persuadability of their commanders.
There was no way these men, who had kept their distance while Hitler was successful and only now rushed back, could have a more plausible plan in their heads.
“…But the forces deployed on the Siegfried Line are ridiculously small compared to the Eastern Front. To wage a civil war against the Nazis with just that seems too reckless an idea…”
“Army Group North’s commander, Colonel General Fedor von Bock, and Army Group South’s commander, Colonel General Gerd von Rundstedt, are both monarchists. If we do this right, not all of the Eastern Front forces will side with Hitler. And we have additional troops.”
Beck fell silent for the moment at Oster’s words, but Dr. Goerdeler voiced a question.
“Additional troops?”
This was the part I had prepared.
“In addition to the regular army, we will form units of anti-Nazi civilian volunteers. Most of them have completed their military service, so while they may not be fit for the front lines, they should be capable of second-line duties.”
“A citizen army… What about their weapons?”
Their reluctance was palpable, but what could they do? It wasn't as if they had the ability to win over the regular army with any certainty right now.
“Their weapons will be purchased from Spain, which is selling off its surplus of weapons at low prices after the civil war. We plan to bring them in through the Netherlands. The budget has already been secured.”
The Abwehr was the first to make contact with Franco during the Spanish Civil War. It was Director Canaris, a staunch anti-communist, who persuaded Hitler to send the Condor Legion to Spain.
Franco had always preferred Canaris, with whom he had a long-standing cooperative relationship, over Hitler, who in the original history had demanded much while offering little more than token gestures.
The Abwehr’s station in Spain was often used for contacting the British or for covert cooperation to prevent Spain from joining the Axis powers.
The Abwehr’s Spanish station had already negotiated a deal with Franco, who was struggling with the surplus of firearms destabilizing Spain’s security after the civil war, to purchase them at a low price.
Of course, even at a low price, the sheer volume meant the Abwehr’s budget was nowhere near enough, so we received support from my father, Count Moltke, and other wealthy backers.
“The problem is our justification. Only with a proper justification can we win the support of the Eastern Front forces. Is it even possible to avoid being branded as traitors and sway public opinion when we start a civil war?”
Beck had finally asked the most important question.
“…This is the most crucial part. For that reason, the date of the coup will be set not by us, but by the Nazis.”
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In the end, the leadership’s approval was granted. The problem now was that we desperately needed someone to turn this rough outline of a coup into a plausible military operational plan in a short amount of time.
And I was meeting with the perfect man for the job.
Lieutenant General Erich von Manstein, renowned as the finest mind in the Wehrmacht, lit a cigar that looked potent at first glance and blew out a thick cloud of smoke.
Just like Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow, this man was also a well-known chain smoker…
“So… Captain Schacht. To what do I, a sidelined has-been, owe the pleasure of a visit from a promising young man with the backing of the Army High Command and the Luftwaffe?”
Manstein’s words were a sophisticated jab, essentially asking why a man like him, despite being sidelined, should have to meet with a mere captain.
Ah, to be honest, I didn't much care for this man. His abilities were beyond question, but as a person, he wasn't someone to be fond of.
“To call yourself a has-been, General, is an excessive jest. Everyone in the German army acknowledges that there is no staff officer superior to you. I, too, have long admired you, General.”
After repeating such flattery so often, the words now rolled off my tongue as if well-oiled. Lieutenant General Manstein snorted, took another drag from his cigar, and then spoke.
“Model, that inflexible hardass, recommended you, so I thought you'd be the same type. But you’re quite adept at playing the political soldier, aren't you?”
“A political soldier is criticized for seeking advancement through politics while neglecting his duties. But for someone of your incomparable ability, General, to also be skilled in navigating such matters is a fine quality.”
At this, even Manstein let out a small chuckle.
“Well, you have a way with words, I’ll give you that. So… what is it you want, Captain?”
This was the important part.
In the original history, Manstein rejected the Black Orchestra’s request to join them, famously replying, “A Prussian field marshal does not mutiny.” However, he did not report them, merely creating an alibi for himself on the day of the coup.
“General, you are being unfairly held back, your wings clipped by the political squabbles between the military and the Nazis. The position currently held by General Franz Halder rightfully belongs to you.”
Manstein, who had been deprived of the Chief of Staff position that should have been his, utterly despised the man who now held it, Franz Halder. He loathed him with a passion.
Franz Halder had tried to cozy up to the Black Orchestra again as the Polish invasion approached, but he was rejected by Director Canaris after strong protests from myself and Lieutenant Colonel Oster.
Manstein continued to puff on his cigar without giving any sort of reply.
“Germany is falling into chaos due to the Hitler and the Nazi regime’s attempts to tame the military and their excessively reckless provocations of war, General. We intend to set things right before Hitler endangers Germany any further.”
“Hah. Are you aware, Captain, that on the Führer’s birthday this year, I gave a speech calling him a leader sent by God to save Germany?”
“I am aware. But that wasn't what you truly believe, was it, General?”
He was an extremely career-oriented man, and he outwardly praised Hitler because he thought it would help his career.
But at his core, he was a traditional Prussian Junker who disliked Hitler and the Nazis, and Hitler knew it, openly despising Manstein in return. He only employed him reluctantly because of his abilities.
He was a man with no political or strategic insight or interest in why Germany was fighting, who it was fighting, or what it was fighting for. He only sought a path where he could achieve glory and advance his career.
His reason for refusing the Black Orchestra in the original timeline, that “a Prussian field marshal does not mutiny,” conversely suggested a possibility that he might be swayed now, when his frustration and hatred for Halder were at their peak.
“The Nazi regime has been checking men like you, those from the Prussian Junker class, and they will continue to do so. Men far inferior to you will become your superiors simply because they are more to the Nazis’ liking, and they will oppress you and the traditional Prussian soldiers even more.”
In the original history, Manstein devised the brilliant Sickle Cut Plan for the invasion of France, which led to France’s fall in six weeks and his own meteoric rise to Field Marshal. But at this point in time, no one could have predicted that.
The very adoption and execution of that plan were the result of a series of dramatic coincidences, and even I couldn't be sure if it would still be possible in this altered timeline.
Manstein continued to puff away at his cigar, but he did not particularly deny my words.
He had been the top candidate for the next Chief of Staff when Ludwig Beck held the position. Due to his discord with Halder, who took the post instead, he had been relegated to positions far below his capabilities and achievements until he proposed the Sickle Cut Plan.
“As traditional Prussian soldiers, there are many who share our views. If you join us, General, the position of the new Army Chief of Staff will be yours.”
Take the bait. Please, take the bait. After a moment of silent prayer, Manstein finally spoke.
“…I have desperately wanted a chance to get back at Halder, that son of a bitch. I will hear the details.”
Ah, on that, I completely agree, General Manstein.
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