The Three-Way Standoff (1)
"G-Gorbachev, the General Secretary, called for me?"
Inside Kim Jong-il’s office. While it wasn't exactly a formal standing report, the seating arrangement spoke volumes: Kim Jong-il sat in the seat of honor on the reception sofa, while Kim Il-sung occupied the three-seater. It was a natural, almost mundane scene. And that, in itself, was proof that the true number one in North Korea was Kim Jong-il.
Even Choi Ki-hyun and JSD, when their power dynamic shifted, had seen JSD offer the single-seat sofa to Choi Ki-hyun out of deference. But the case of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il was different. As Kim Jong-il began to consolidate absolute power, Kim Il-sung started reading the room, yielding the seat of honor to his son. If JSD’s gesture was born of respect, Kim Il-sung’s was born of terror. Sitting beside his son, Kim Il-sung looked exactly like a mouse before a cat.
"That is correct, Comrade Abai. General Secretary Gorbachev wishes to meet with you personally to discuss the supply of materials to our Democratic People's Republic of Korea."
Kim Jong-il did not call Kim Il-sung "Comrade President." He called him "Comrade Abai"—a term for an elder or father, but stripped of his official title. It was a declaration that he did not recognize Kim Il-sung’s authority. Furthermore, he used the term dongmu (comrade/companion) instead of dongji (comrade/comrade-in-arms). Dongmu was a term used for equals or subordinates. It was safe to say that Kim Jong-il was treating his father with open condescension, yet Kim Il-sung could not offer a single word of protest.
"Why me, of all people? Wouldn't it be better if you, Comrade Chairman, went yourself?"
Kim Il-sung, on the other hand, mixed respect with informal speech. Even for Kim Jong-il, this level of deference was acceptable. It was a conversation between father and son, yet it felt profoundly twisted.
"General Secretary Gorbachev might find you relatively easier to deal with, Comrade Abai. Or perhaps he felt it would be too burdensome to ask me to move."
The meaning behind Kim Jong-il’s words was clear: "He didn't want to bother the head of state, so he called you instead."
"Hmm... well, if General Secretary Gorbachev is calling for me, and you, Comrade Chairman, wish for it, I suppose I must go. What should I say when I get there?"
Regardless of the power dynamic, it was absurd for heads of state to meet without prior consultation or briefing. So, Kim Jong-il instructed Kim Il-sung on what he needed to achieve during this encounter with Gorbachev.
"Persuade the General Secretary to allow our Democratic People's Republic of Korea to use our own currency in trade with the Soviet Union again. And since we are in a difficult situation, we also require aid in food and resources."
"I understand."
"I trust you, Comrade Abai. The future of our Republic rests upon your shoulders."
As Kim Il-sung nodded, Kim Jong-il wore a chilling expression as he delivered his final warning.
"I trust you will not act rashly just because you are meeting General Secretary Gorbachev."
"Isn't that obvious? I am more than satisfied with my life as it is now."
Only then did Kim Jong-il flash a smirk.
It had been a very long time since Kim Il-sung had visited the Soviet Union. As a result, he couldn't help but be slightly shocked upon arriving at the Soviet airport.
'Good heavens... is this truly a Soviet airport?'
Just a few years ago, Soviet airports were as dilapidated as any other in the Eastern Bloc. But now, they were brimming with vitality. It was no wonder; the partial introduction of capitalism had increased the flow of people. The design hadn't changed, but the airport restaurants and shops, now open to private bidding and operation, had brought a noticeable shift in energy.
"Sandwiches you can eat on the plane!"
"Don't pay for expensive in-flight meals, eat before you go!"
"The last chance to buy souvenirs cheaply before returning home!"
Merchants raised their voices with bright smiles toward the passersby. Of course, they couldn't forcibly drag people in, as the airport security, wielding black-painted batons, were busy eradicating such behavior. Nevertheless, the merchants' capitalist cries were undeniably making the airport feel alive.
"So it is true that capitalism has been partially introduced to the Soviet Union?"
In truth, when Gorbachev first introduced these reforms, the Eastern Bloc hadn't been entirely free of chaos. However, because a significant portion of the infrastructure had been destroyed by the meteor impact, Gorbachev’s introduction of capitalism had succeeded under the guise of "recovering infrastructure." And, in the end, it was a success. Since foreign capital—excluding the YK Group—was barred from entering, a middle class had emerged, and the overall quality of life for the common people had improved, all without the birth of a chaebol class. Thanks to this, the Soviet Union had avoided the birth of the "bourgeoisie" and the resulting "extreme poverty" that had plagued the West after the Industrial Revolution. Of course, Kim Il-sung had no way of knowing any of this.
"Comrade President, now is not the time to harbor resentment toward capitalism."
It was the voice of his "aide"—a monitor sent by Kim Jong-il. Kim Il-sung nodded.
"Indeed. Now is the time to remember Comrade Chairman's words."
In reality, Kim Il-sung had no reason to be hostile toward capitalism, nor any attachment to communism. All Kim Il-sung wanted was his own comfort. He had once held absolute power, but now he was so afraid of his son that he spent his days in pleasure with the Joy Division. He just wanted to finish the task Kim Jong-il had assigned him and return to the Presidential Palace as quickly as possible. After all, his promise to the people that he would "let them eat rice with meat soup to their heart's content" had merely been a slogan to win their favor. If he couldn't regain power, it was better to submit to his son and enjoy a paradise on earth. That was Kim Il-sung’s current goal.
"Come, let us move quickly."
At the aide's urging, Kim Il-sung moved. Despite his advanced age, he was quite robust. Born in 1912, he had been tall and remarkably handsome for his time, and even now, despite having put on weight, he maintained a certain vigor. Following his guard's instructions, he stepped outside the airport and met Gorbachev’s guides. The meeting with Gorbachev began immediately.
"How is North Korea these days?"
Gorbachev’s question was not a simple inquiry; it was a reference to the naval battle that had occurred in the NLL between South and North Korea. However, Kim Il-sung was no longer the one holding real power. He didn't even consider that Gorbachev might be talking about the NLL skirmish, so he interpreted the question at face value.
"Actually... it is not very good. The harvest, which had been increasing with corn, is on a downward trend, and we are currently in a situation where we cannot even run our railways properly due to a lack of energy."
"Tsk..."
Gorbachev had originally intended to pressure Kim Il-sung by bringing up the NLL battle. But seeing the look on his face—as if he hadn't even thought of the NLL—Gorbachev decided to let it slide. The topic for today wasn't economic aid, but something entirely different.
"I see. So, what do you need? I called you here because I thought it would be better to sit face-to-face and talk seriously rather than over the phone."
Though Kim Il-sung was older, age meant little in countries other than South Korea. Therefore, Gorbachev maintained the upper hand in the "nuance" of the conversation throughout. Their relationship was akin to that of a suzerain and a vassal state.
"In that case, please permit us to use the currency of our Democratic People's Republic of Korea in trade again."
Currently, the Soviet Union only used the Won and the Dollar in trade. And even then, YK Group held most of the stake. Importing agricultural and livestock products from the U.S. was entirely Yoon-gi’s doing. If the Soviet Union weren't currently friendly with the U.S., and if Yoon-gi weren't trading his oil for American farm goods, Reagan would never have permitted the influx of such products into the Soviet Union. Thus, unlike in actual history, the Soviet Union’s food situation was relatively stable. Not exactly abundant, but enough to keep people from starving. But North Korea was different. There were only a few years left until the "Arduous March." In North Korea, which relied on a rationing system, rations were already being cut.
"I am afraid that is impossible. For North Korean currency to have value, there must be productivity within North Korea. But doesn't North Korea currently have virtually no exports?"
There was nothing wrong with Gorbachev’s statement. Fundamentally, for a country’s currency to have value abroad, its goods must be marketable. But what about North Korea now?
"General Secretary, since our trade with the Soviet Union was cut off, we have been unable to secure resources like coal, so most of our factories have shut down. In this situation, if you even forbid the use of our currency..."
"Has a Soviet factory ever stopped running?"
Gorbachev’s words were a jab at North Korea, which only claimed to be "communist" in name. But Kim Il-sung didn't understand.
"What do you mean by that?"
'Sigh.'
Gorbachev sighed inwardly before speaking again.
"In communism, a failure of production is also a failure of the center. But North Korea’s production has failed. So, who is responsible?"
"That is..."
Kim Il-sung swallowed hard. Was he supposed to say it was Kim Jong-il’s responsibility? With Kim Jong-il’s aides watching him with sharp eyes, he would surely be purged if he said that. Should he say it was his own responsibility? He was certainly responsible. After all, Kim Il-sung had only insisted on converting the railways to electric, ignoring everything else and effectively turning the rail network into junk. That was just one of many failed policies. The unilateral policy decisions made by Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il ignored the advice of experts and were dictatorial, naturally leading to failure. But Kim Il-sung was not the type to admit such failure was his own fault. He was the man who had spent a week bedridden in resentment after being slapped by a Chinese officer for his reckless strategy during the Korean War. Would a man like that ever admit his policy failures were his own fault? Absolutely not.
"........."
A long silence followed.
"Whew... fine. You must be tired from the long journey. For now, return to your quarters and rest. Let us discuss economic aid again tomorrow."
At the unexpected reprieve, Kim Il-sung’s complexion brightened.
"Th-thank you."
Gorbachev waved his hand instead of answering, and so the first day of the Soviet-North Korea summit came to an end. Meanwhile, at the same time, Yoon-gi was waiting near Kim Pyong-il. Kim Pyong-il, the son of Kim Il-sung’s second wife, who had once clashed with Kim Jong-il over the succession.