The Rearmament Declaration
As the Second Italian-Ethiopian War erupted in earnest, the global situation began to shift dramatically. Germany and Britain officially declared humanitarian aid to Ethiopia, with Britain assigning escort warships to cargo ships bound for Italian targets in the Red Sea. Britain played it smart here—instead of shipping supplies up the Nile into Ethiopia, they made full use of neutral Djibouti and their colony Tanzania. The "humanitarian aid" included no lethal weapons, but it packed ammonium nitrate that could be turned into bombs with minimal processing, along with tools like shovels and saws, medical supplies, and food.
To overcome their numerical disadvantage, the Ethiopian forces dug winding trenches into the highlands and hunkered down for a defense in depth.
"What the hell! How are these savages holding out like this?!"
"We can't get the firing angle! Even lobbing shells in an arc from the lowlands doesn't give us the range!"
"Fire anyway! Even one or two hits is a win! Those savages don't even have towed artillery!"
Against the Ethiopians who had dug in on the high ground for their defense in depth, Italy hammered away relentlessly with aircraft and artillery. At first, the Ethiopian defense held firm, but under the overwhelming firepower, they began to give ground bit by bit. Ethiopia responded by throwing in more manpower to rebuild their lines. Italy paid dearly in blood just to advance a few kilometers.
"Snipers! If it weren't for those damn snipers!"
Ethiopia's Ras Desta Damtew had taken the German binoculars sent under the guise of "humanitarian aid," modified them into makeshift scopes, and distributed them to his best marksmen. While green recruits absorbed the shelling at the front, he calmly trained snipers in the rear, then rotated them forward to bleed the Italians dry. Italy was dying inside. They'd invaded with 700,000 men, only to get mauled by an Ethiopian force of under 200,000—it was infuriating.
"But this is still bleeding we can afford. We're pushing them back bit by bit. Keep up the pressure, and we'll have Ethiopia's surrender soon enough."
At that point, Italy still viewed the Ethiopian campaign with optimism. That is, until Germany's declaration followed.
January 9, 1936. In an address to the nation, I declared Germany's rearmament.
In the original timeline, this had come in March 1935—a shocking event that rattled the world amid relative calm. But with Italy's invasion of Ethiopia and France's communization already in the books, now was the perfect timing. I'd planned to hold off until the Spanish Civil War, but by then, sending volunteers would take priority over the declaration, so I pulled it forward a bit.
It was a outright betrayal of the Treaty of Versailles. For justification, I cited Italy's aggression against a weak nation and Germany's role as guardian of Central Europe's balance.
I leveraged propaganda too. Goebbels and Max Amann, at the forefront of the effort, delivered big once more.
"Makes sense... It didn't add up. Our economy's booming, but our military was stunted."
"It's necessary to balance Europe."
The people backed the rearmament. Britain and France protested, of course. As a World War victor and key player, Britain expressed regret.
"You're making things awkward right when we're building diplomatic goodwill. Couldn't you have given us a heads-up? We might've yielded on troop limits, even if not full rearmament."
"A nation's right to an army is inherent. Britain should be grateful we've honored Versailles this long."
"Well, if the Führer says so..."
Britain grumbled but took no further action. Declaring rearmament didn't conjure tanks and battleships overnight. Or rather, they thought that because they didn't know about the Mefo bills...
France, meanwhile, threw a fit.
"The little country in the east invades Africa, and the big one prepares to strike its neighbors! France will be silent no more!"
Having suffered the most in the Great War, France was hypersensitive to German buildup. Their ambassador stormed in, sparing no insult in his protest.
"Versailles allowed you 100,000 men! That was France's infinite mercy as victor! And now you stab us in the back? Do you really want war with France again?"
"That's harsh, Ambassador. Why would we fight France? Who's invading them?"
"Our government is extremely displeased. 100,000 is enough for self-defense, isn't it?"
"The Soviets have over two million; our neighbors all boast at least a million. Italy alone has 1.5 million standing army. Who was it that neutered Central Europe's self-defense via Saint-Germain—Hungary, Austria? Germany will stabilize the region, so France, look the other way."
"If you push like that, our president won't sit idle."
"No 'chairman' or 'general secretary'? Suits you better..."
"We pursue democratic communism. Ours came by popular vote, not grand revolution. We don't use such titles, dictator Führer."
The French ambassador stormed back to his embassy. What vulgar protesting... This is why communists are...
Anyway, France ranted that the declaration violated Versailles and the Compiègne Armistice. Talk even swirled of a "preventive war" against Germany. But over the weeks they raged, circumstances forced their mouths shut.
"Germany's 1st Army will gradually mechanize fully from this point, faithfully executing the new era's strategy and doctrine."
"Two ships have been constructed. They will stoutly defend Germany's seas."
"We're expanding airbases to accommodate the growing force. New airport under construction near Baden."
The pace of military strengthening was unnaturally fast. French President Georges Suhrs couldn't miss the implication: buildup had been ongoing, and rearmament was effectively complete. Starting a "preventive war" would mean France grinding away another generation.
"Pass on my personal thanks to Italy's Mussolini," I joked to Hess. None of this would've been possible without him.
Oh, and I should send a little gift to Hjalmar Schacht, the Mefo bill genius behind the buildup.
March 1936. I paid off the first Mefo bill issuance. With our growing economy and rising tax revenue, it was straightforward. The real challenge was the second payout in 1939...
"Hjalmar Schacht. No more funding expansions via bills. Reduce their share and expand armaments gradually."
"Understood, mein Führer."
"And take over the 'Third Reich National Wealth Fund,' Schacht. We need profits from it. Can you do it?"
"I'll give it a shot, mein Führer."
"Good. You've got plenty of capital—go wild."
As planned, I handed the fund—previously under Hess—to Schacht. He had some breathing room post-first payout.
This should work...
Finally, I summoned Reich Minister of Construction Albert Speer. I gave him his orders: massive industrial zones in Frankfurt and Saxony.
"Speer. Saxony will be the key supply hub for the Eastern Front, Frankfurt for the West. Select sites and build them up. Plan for munitions conversion as needed."
"Understood, mein Führer."
The wartime economy was taking shape, piece by piece.