The Reichstag Fire (Part 2)
Hitler, right after the Reichstag Fire broke out, was so agitated that he couldn't mount a proper response for an entire day. All he did was scream with his colleagues about how they needed to round up every communist and hang them from the gallows—no real administrative orders or actions. I remember that moment. Staring at him from afar, feeling nothing but pity for how pathetic he was.
I was different. My mind was colder and clearer than ever, calculating every move like an abacus clicking away.
First, I held an official press conference about the Reichstag Fire that had erupted at dawn. 'I need to set the stage exactly as I want it. That's the only way to build public support for the Enabling Act.' What I was aiming for was framing the narrative. Who was the perpetrator? Who was the victim? I had to define that crystal clear from the start.
The victims, naturally, had to be the innocent German people. If the Reichstag was paralyzed, whose loss was that? The people's. And the perpetrators? Van der Lubbe? No. He was just the launchpad for the Reichstag Fire. The real culprits were all the separatists and communists dissatisfied with Germany's politics. Whether it was true or not didn't matter—I had to pin that frame on them and beat it into shape.
"First, a brief explanation of the Reichstag building arson that occurred this dawn. The incident happened around 4 a.m. Suspect Van der Lubbe has been arrested, and a quarter of the Reichstag has been completely burned. This is a grave threat to Germany's national security, and the government is considering a hardline response. Questions?"
I wrapped up the short briefing and opened the floor to reporters. Questions poured in like waves. But I pointed to one reporter at a time with my hand, doling out speaking rights—mostly to those from right-wing papers.
"Prime Minister Falkenrain, what specific measures and security enhancements are you considering in response?"
"Specifically, we plan to root out Van der Lubbe and any groups or organizations linked to him and wipe them out in one fell swoop. This crime is a serious offense against the German people, so we'll mobilize the full administrative apparatus to punish those involved harshly and make examples of them. Concrete security policies are still under discussion."
Formulaic questions like that could be brushed off with vague platitudes. The real ones I had to prepare for were those pinning responsibility on me... like this provocative jab.
"What responsibility do you see for the Prime Minister's cabinet in this incident?"
Berlin People's News. A rising mid-sized paper, centrist-right leaning. They usually cozied up to the National People's Party and the German Center Party, but this aggressive question suggested a falling out with the former. Anyway, for questions like this, it was better to shift the topic entirely. Elevate a greater value to diminish the question's weight.
"Let me ask you the reverse first. If the Reichstag burns, who suffers the greatest loss?"
I turned the question back on the reporter. He replied as if it were obvious.
"Wouldn't it be the Reichstag members and cabinet officials?"
Not a confident answer, but close enough. Still, I didn't accept it as correct.
"No. The greatest damage falls on the people. When government operations grind to a halt, tens of millions of citizens who rely on administrative support suffer the most. That's why I've repeatedly warned that this is a grave crime against the nation."
The people as victims, communists as perpetrators. Just as I'd laid out, I dragged the frame that way.
"So, who are these shadowy figures plotting to dismantle our national community? If the national community collapses and the people truly suffer, would that benefit the current cabinet? We're politicians. We live and breathe on the people's support. Whose gain would it really be?"
"I'd appreciate an answer to the question."
"I'm answering, miss. You asked if the cabinet bears no responsibility? Let me respond. Responsibility doesn't lie with the cabinet. That's the wrong discussion entirely. The far bigger issue we should be debating now is why Van der Lubbe committed this crime—and for what reason."
Drag in the bigger problem. Not government accountability, but why the perpetrator acted. The public would be far more curious about that, and they'd find greater satisfaction in vengeance. I just had to stir the pot.
"According to a report investigating Van der Lubbe's background, he's a member of the Dutch Communist Party and, recently, a bricklayer in Westphalia who consistently held communist meetings. Van der Lubbe was simply a communist. Could a single communist have planned and executed all this alone?"
Hard to imagine. A crime this massive pulled off solo? People have this thing called 'common sense bias'—even when something defies logic happens, they filter it through common sense. This was exactly that situation.
"This isn't Van der Lubbe's personal crime. We must recognize it as a collective action by communists aiming to overthrow the German government. The responsibility lies with them—the anti-national forces betraying the state and the people. That's my answer."
The reporter sat down with a dissatisfied frown after hearing me out. But she wasn't the one I needed to convince. I just had to sway the public. Anyone already set against me was a lost cause—persuading them was pointless. Better to win over everyone around them instead...
After the press conference, I kept moving at full speed. I ordered party executives to handle appropriate responses while sketching out the specifics of the Enabling Act. Convincing Hindenburg would be easy—just frame it as the final purge of communism, with the pretext drawn from a national emergency. He'd love anything with 'emergency powers' in the name.
At the same time, I expanded the investigation forces and gathered a few trusted executives, giving them advance word on what was coming.
"I'm not letting this incident slide. It's a national crisis—we all need to pull together. With the Great Depression already grinding the people down, we can't have this on top of it."
I shared the draft of the Enabling Act—which I'd been mulling over—with the key executives. Over the next few days, with minor tweaks, I shaped it into a draconian law that would swallow the German Empire whole.
Armed with that bill, I headed back to the Presidential Office.
"Falkenrain. It's been a while. Heard the Reichstag burned. You alright?"
"Apologies for not replying to your get-well note, Mr. President. Straight to the point: Communists, the German International, and the Communist Party are involved in this incident."
"Weren't they already purged once under the Anti-National Special Law?"
"That's precisely the problem. We've secured evidence they're preparing a coup. The ringleaders are temporarily detained using police powers."
I fed Hindenburg a cunning mix of truth and lies. I gave him a moment to think. The more tangled his thoughts, the higher the odds he'd approve the Enabling Act. People make more mistakes when overthinking—intuition is often sharper. Imperfect creatures, after all.
As he sank into contemplation, I broke the flow just enough and struck again.
"Sir, I have a good idea."
"Prime Minister, speak. How do we deal with communists scattered across the country?"
"To investigate them, we sometimes need extraordinary powers. Sir, for swift decisions, grant the cabinet temporary authority."
I presented the Enabling Act, wrapped in the packaging of a 'solution.' He glanced at it and smirked. To him, I wasn't some power-hungry schemer—just a Junker who cared only for the people.
"So... the executive shares legislative powers... Meaning your cabinet can enact new laws as needed?"
"Yes, sir. Though that's just window dressing. Please review the rest."
"Doesn't infringe on presidential powers... The state can fully supersede local investigation rights when necessary, with priority in reports. In national crises, the state gains investigative powers beyond criminal law. That's it?"
"More than enough, sir. Anything beyond might provoke public backlash and undermine democracy. Think of it as a temporary law just for this emergency."
"Very well."
Cooking Hindenburg went about as smoothly as expected. I'd braced for some suspicion and push-pull, but getting presidential approval for the Enabling Act was a done deal in record time.
Next up: the Reichstag. As anticipated, it was over in a flash. With the building off-limits for repairs, they held a show-of-hands vote at the nearby opera house. My party—already holding a majority—rose in unison, hands shooting up, and the Enabling Act took effect instantly.
With this, I'd unshackled the final weight around my ankle. Swallowing the German Empire was now just a matter of time. The jaws had opened wide. It was already in my mouth.