Government Paralysis
January 1931. As planned, the government ground to a halt. Whenever Communist Party or DDRAP members of the Reichstag tried to pass any resolution, they simply walked out. After a few repetitions, no votes could pass in parliament, and this began to turn into a political liability for Hindenburg.
But Hindenburg held firm. He still seemed to believe he could buy me off.
"This parliamentary resolution is also being boycotted by the Communists. With the boycotters exceeding a majority, the government can't function."
"They say it'll continue until the Papen cabinet resigns."
"Your Excellency, the criticism against us is growing fiercer. Calls to stop cooperating with the Communists are getting louder."
But paralyzing government operations required Communist cooperation, which was a political risk for us too. Even if we framed it as the president's abuse of emergency powers, deliberately stalling the government would draw heavy backlash. We had to calculate how much risk we could bear.
If it had been the original Nazis, they wouldn't have cared about this level of risk... Our party was larger than the Nazis now, but they never gave a damn about risks from the start. Our DDRAP, with some semblance of common sense, couldn't bulldoze through like them.
"Hess. How long can our party sustain this government paralysis?"
"My Führer, I estimate about a year as the limit. After that, support will erode rapidly."
"Then we keep up the propaganda on all fronts. To stretch it beyond a year. Maintain the status quo for now. Pass the word to Max and Hanfstaengl too. President Hindenburg must be getting anxious."
It was a war of attrition. If Verdun defined the Great War and Stalingrad the Second, then this was the interwar equivalent. I braced for an endless grind of losses with Hindenburg and the National People's Party.
What matters most in a war of attrition? Resources. It bleeds both sides dry. And we had plenty.
Our propaganda arsenal was still stocked.
"Riefenstahl. How's the film coming?"
"Almost finished, my Führer. It's a shame we couldn't capture your greatness fully, but this will suffice."
Riefenstahl spoke confidently. Triumph of the Will, our nationalist epic with narration, was nearly complete.
Meanwhile, Max Amann and Goebbels pushed the "Gold Collection Drive," propagandizing nonstop. They also slyly shifted criticisms aimed at us onto the Communists.
"We have never allied with the Communists. They're just copying our no-confidence votes. We happened to align this once, but their scheming makes my blood boil—don't misunderstand."
We claimed our standoff with Hindenburg was solo, with Communists crashing the party uninvited. We pinned SPD's internal sabotage and fake news on them too. Max Amann's Berlin New Germany Newspaper spread this to our base. It would stick with those already committed to DDRAP.
March 1931. Triumph of the Will, starring Germany's scientists, premiered. In its first week, it screened in 400 theaters across Brandenburg and Berlin, then spread nationwide. We pumped nationalism while revving the propaganda machine.
Who supports Germany's patriotic scientists?
DDRAP. Together with scientists.
The founder of the 'German Scientists Union' is none other than the Great War hero?
Falkenrain exclusive interview! "Science and technology are Germany's most reliable assets."
I tied Triumph of the Will's release to scientists and DDRAP for political gain. I kept it measured—no forcing political bias—but the fact of my support was undeniable, and scientists didn't mind it spreading.
April 1931. Hjalmar Schacht, waffling between the National People's Party and DDRAP, fully joined us. As Reichsbank president, he became a party executive too.
"Welcome, Schacht. It's been a while. Poland situation sorted?"
"Of course. Germany will stand firm against Poland, no retreat."
Schacht's entry opened the floodgates. Fritz Haber, de facto head of the German Scientists Union, formally joined DDRAP. He vowed lifelong devotion to party and nation.
"I'm Jewish, but Germany alone fills my heart. I'll gladly give this life for her, if given the chance."
His near-fanatical patriotism was reassuring. He was among the most active in the ongoing Gold Collection Drive.
Following Haber, Jewish businessmen joined. More patriotic than expected.
"If I've earned wealth, it's to save Germany. My Führer, save our Germany."
For Jews in politics, we were the only real option. Right and left alike treated antisemitism as normal—this wasn't a great era for them. Except for Haber, we didn't advertise their involvement. We'd shed antisemitism, but not parade Jews upfront. Too risky.
Anyway, with our growing size and effective propaganda, the head-on clash with Hindenburg proceeded smoothly.
July 1931. After nine months of paralysis and attrition with the National People's Party, the end neared.
"My Führer, a letter from President Hindenburg. He wants to meet again."
I was summoned once more.
The presidential office was unchanged. The Depression ravaged lives, yet it reeked of opulence. I strode through.
Papen, Prime Minister, smiled warmly. "Welcome, Falkenrain chairman."
"Long time."
"Ah, call me predecessor lightly."
"...Pardon?"
"That's how it is. Give me some credit. I've been reassigned as Foreign Minister."
Papen shrugged. It meant Hindenburg conceded defeat. Asking to be called "predecessor" implied I'd be next prime minister.
In the office, I met a relatively lucid Hindenburg, more gaunt than last time.
"Long time, Falkenrain. Sit opposite."
"Yes, Your Excellency."
I sat as bidden. He stubbed out his cigar.
"Falkenrain, I still want you on my side. You know what I mean."
"I've heard it before, so roughly."
"DDRAP isn't ideologically far from the National People's Party, right? Worst case, yours is just a substitute; best case, its new direction."
"What do you mean?"
"You want prime ministership. I wasn't keen, but Papen persuaded me to give it to you. He trusts you."
Franz von Papen advocated for me. Not a full concession, then.
"Image matters, so I'll propose it directly. You'll accept, of course?"
Result was the same. Hindenburg offered me the post—with conditions.
"I'll meet your demands too. Withdraw no-confidence votes, normalize parliament soon. And coalition with us as ruling party."
Simple: Restore government. Ally with his National People's Party.
One more: "And oppose the German Communists henceforth. I can't stomach their rise."
"That's all?"
"Yes. A Junker to Junker offer. Accept, and I'll hand it honorably."
Our meeting was concise. I accepted. We shook hands for the first time.
"After SPD's defection, mad Communists, and fanatic Center Party, it's a relief it's you."
Hindenburg left. Franz von Papen entered.
"Accepted?"
"Yes."
"I'll brief you. You'll be here often now."
He began handing over prime ministerial duties.