The Great Depression and the Gold Collection Movement
June 1929. One year and one month had passed since the fifth general election. Germany was currently enjoying considerable economic prosperity. Compared to pre-war levels, the quality of life had improved dramatically—no room for shame there. The miraculous currency, the Rentenmark, which had tamed hyperinflation, was now woven into everyday life. Prices were stable, and unemployment was steadily declining. After a decade of postwar poverty, Germany had revived to some extent, and people were beginning to bask in a surge of national pride. In other words, moderate prosperity breeds patriotism. And it was true.
People went wild for headlines like "Germany's Technological Might Leaves Britain and France Scrambling?!" It meant the German public finally had enough breathing room to escape into fantasy. When you're dirt poor, you can't afford escapism—survival demands facing reality head-on. This signaled that the era of Germans starving in the streets was over.
"Hanfstaengl. How's the party's financial situation these days?"
"Spending has increased, but so has revenue. We're in a solid position. Plus, thanks to your sheltering of Jewish scientists, Jewish businessmen have started donating to our party. It's rare for philosemitism and German-first policies to coexist like this."
"Hmm... From now on, let's cut back on spending."
"Pardon?"
Hanfstaengl blinked at my suggestion to reduce expenditures. It was odd, no doubt. The standard playbook was to ramp up spending in line with incoming funds and invest in party growth. But I knew the future.
1929. The year of the Great Depression.
It hadn't fully erupted yet, but odd signs were already cropping up in America. Factories humming along, yet inventories piling up inexplicably. Finance sectors churning, but industrial growth stagnating. So we needed to trim our sails now—shrink our footprint. And ideally, shift funds into alternative assets.
"Hanfstaengl. Do you trust me?"
"Mein Führer. How could I ever doubt you? As long as your legend of success holds true, I believe in you."
"Then trust me on this. Something big is coming in America. We need to start saving now."
"Understood, Mein Führer."
"Oh, and try not to tie up our money in banks if possible. Convert it to gold, silver—anything tangible. I recommend alternative capital."
"Is something wrong?"
"Economic warning signs are flashing. On the surface, it's boom times... but the real economy can't keep up. The scale is growing, but not the substance."
"A bubble, then."
"Exactly. But there's more lurking beneath. It's like debris clogging the pipes of the economic flow. Water pressure builds as the channel narrows; things look fast on the outside. But when it fully blocks... crash."
"Mein Führer, I understand your concern. I saw the bubble too. But... this is risky. Are you sure?"
"I'm sure."
The Great Depression strikes suddenly amid prosperity. Everyone's employed, production skyrockets, but markets vanish, grinding the world economy to a halt. Liquidity dries up; finance and industry collapse together. Its aftershocks last a full decade. Ten years. Even subprime or Black Monday don't linger that long.
And crises are opportunities, right? Just preparing for the Depression ahead of time would give us a huge edge.
'The Gold Collection Movement... Time to put that to good use.'
It was familiar to my future Korean self—a heartwarming tale of the nation rallying to collect gold in crisis, reviving the economy. What if one party monopolized that legend? Especially considering gold's post-Depression value surge.
"Anyway, I leave it to you, Hanfstaengl. Trust me, even if it doesn't make sense. Follow my instincts—they've never failed us."
"Understood, Mein Führer."
I began preparing for the Great Depression.
November 1929. The Great Depression's wave finally crashed over America. Warning signs had been building since 1926, erupting around November. The shock rippled across Europe. Overvalued currencies wobbled; unsold goods forced factories to halt. Still, few went bankrupt or homeless immediately—it was early days.
But only early. By early 1930, all Europe was howling. Britain and France took the hardest hits, and export-reliant Weimar Republic suffered massively. With Poland trade tensions unresolved, the Depression hammered Germany. Unemployment exploded. Protests filled streets; factories shuttered. Money supply contracted overnight; the economy froze.
As life hardened, blame turned to the government. People sought hope elsewhere, migrating in droves. For DDRAP, it was a golden opportunity.
"My fellow Germans! We must unite and fight! Our strength lies in solidarity! Unite! Launch the Gold Collection Movement!"
DDRAP spearheaded the Gold Collection Movement. Newspapers blared it nationwide; we donated the most gold first. By March 1930, it spread everywhere. Crowds donated; the funds created public jobs and sparked construction booms.
But it wasn't enough. Private gold couldn't fully revive the national economy. Still, the public internalized: "The Gold Collection Movement saved the nation." DDRAP's image soared.
May 1930. A no-confidence vote against the Heinrich Brüning cabinet surfaced—from every party. Reason: economic crisis.
"No-confidence against Brüning? Ha! Don't they grasp this is a world crisis? Beyond any cabinet's control? This is why the masses are..."
President Hindenburg responded with a nuclear option: dissolving parliament outright. Elections were called for reconstruction.
September 14, 1930. Just two years after Brüning's cabinet formed, parliament dissolved, triggering new elections. Bad news for Hindenburg and his backed German National People's Party. He probably didn't care—planning to abuse "presidential emergency powers" for a puppet chancellor, ignoring results.
Fatal mistake. We weren't like ordinary parties.
"Election results: We've become the largest party in the Reichstag. 233 seats."
"Not a majority. But enough. We can paralyze the government if we want."
In the sixth election, we claimed first place. Thanks to the Gold Collection Movement, Social Democrats' collapse, and hits to the ruling Center and National People's Parties. The world Depression packed that punch.
Problem: We weren't the only beneficiaries.
"The Communist Party of Germany surged too. 90 seats—second place."
"Second place..."
National crises breed extremists. Communists grabbed 90 seats—a huge leap. It meant our rivals had shifted from moderates to far-left radicals.
"In other words, ally with them, and crushing the old parties is trivial."
"Yes, Mein Führer. But partnering with communists would tank our image."
"Come on. Do we need to hold hands publicly? A quiet backroom deal suffices."
We topped the sixth election but didn't snag the chancellorship. Hindenburg never intended to honor results.
"Time for another no-confidence vote."
"Führer... you mean...?"
"Communists hate Hindenburg too. A secret pact, and we both hammer the National People's Party."
If my hunch held, he'd just appoint anyway. Presidential powers were absurdly strong in Weimar. Hindenburg wouldn't share.
From here, it was a war of attrition.