The Growth of DDRAP
Right after returning to the party following my nine months in prison, the first thing I did was a purge. Gregor Strasser. I kicked him out. His close aides, who had been his power base, rebelled against it, but the backlash was crushed in an instant. No matter how much they thrashed around for six months, it paled in comparison to me—the one who had dragged this party from the depths of despair to this position.
In the process, a few even ended up sealed in beer barrels with cement and dumped into Lake Kïm.
"It was necessary."
Ludendorff argued with me several times before finally stepping down from the party of his own accord, as I demanded. I have no idea why he clung on so stubbornly when his 'pro-Ludendorff faction' had already been purged by Strasser. In any case, on January 9, 1925, he formally left DDRAP.
And as Strasser's successor, I appointed Rudolf Hess.
"Führer, thank you for choosing me. I won't disappoint you."
"Führer? I'm still nobody."
"You are the rightful leader of the Third Reich's Germany."
"Enough. Flattery won't get you a single crumb."
Rudolf Hess got along reasonably well with the party executives thanks to his characteristic simplicity and sly charm. He had far better social skills than Strasser, who constantly clashed with other executives. If anything, he came off like a self-appointed clown, but one way or another, Hess was no one people hated.
And Goebbels had risen through the Gregor Strasser line, but since he cooperated with me by whistleblowing during the purge of the 'pro-Strasser faction,' I spared him. I dispatched him as a propaganda executive to the Rhineland region, not Bavaria.
Finally, Max Amann, who had led the internal power struggle against Strasser, admitted partial responsibility for the party infighting and was temporarily demoted to Berlin. Of course, 'demoted' was just a word—he was set to continue party promotion activities there.
"Good. The family feud is more or less sorted..."
Now I began sketching a new picture. The internal conflicts were resolved, and my command was firmly reestablished. People now thought of Falkenrain first when they heard DDRAP, and I was seen as a hero of the Great War, a patriot who had sacrificed his ambitions for his comrades.
There had never been a better moment.
As soon as the purge wrapped up, I dove back into propaganda activities.
Early January 1925. A trade war erupted between Germany and the new nation of Poland. Upon hearing this, I exploited it for DDRAP propaganda. Creating an external enemy to unite Germany wasn't a particularly novel idea.
Here, my future knowledge of modern media plays shone through.
"The external enemy has finally revealed itself! This trade war between our two nations is a grave threat to our German happiness and lives! We must unite! We must respond with resolve! Boycott! It is the greatest revenge we can take and the symbol of German national unity!"
I spearheaded a boycott of Polish agricultural products to unite the German people. The movement swept across the nation in a flash.
I also framed the Dawes Plan, passed about half a year earlier, as something that succeeded only because DDRAP and the German Struggle Alliance had directly pressured the government into action.
"Do you remember the condition I set when I gave up the march? I demanded the government act immediately for the Ruhr! I acted for Germany, knowing full well I could be arrested for treason and executed! The Dawes Plan is the result of your trust in me! It is the fruit of our unity and oneness!"
I pushed forward with those two arguments relentlessly. Anti-Polish sentiment became a major force for DDRAP, and I cleverly tied it to the Ruhr situation's stabilization for political promotion.
As political support grew, DDRAP's influence swelled accordingly.
Three months prior, DDRAP had entered the general election under the name 'Third Reich Freedom Movement' and managed to send only 15 candidates to the Reichstag.
But the support then and now was unmistakably different. In that short time, DDRAP had grown explosively.
DDRAP strongly voiced opinions to the central government and demanded unity for trade retaliation against Poland. In this way, we expanded our forces nationwide, living busy days.
Time flew by.
Early October 1925. The government announced the passage of the Locarno Treaty. As expected, this event became political fodder for me.
"Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann and Chancellor Hans Luther have sold out the history and people of the German Empire! They have legitimized the complete handover of our imperial territory to France in the west! Who the hell is he to cede our lands to France?! People of Germany! We must unite! Now is the time to unite and protect what is ours!"
The Locarno Treaty wasn't really a loss for Germany. It was threatening only from the perspective of Eastern European nations like Poland and Czechoslovakia—a mere line drawn for peace between Germany, France, and Britain.
But there was a trap hidden in it. The trap of 'confirming' Germany's western borders... And those confirmed western borders included Alsace-Lorraine, once our territory seized after the Treaty of Versailles.
I commented on the event thus:
"This treaty is a betrayal of the German people's myths! The worst decision to beg for momentary peace by selling our land and history! How could the German People's Party and the Center Party do this?!"
My message spread nationwide through the newspapers once more. Goebbels, in the Rhineland, stirred local residents with the same logic. Max Amann in Berlin announced a 'no-confidence resolution against Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann' alongside the 15 DDRAP Reichstag members.
This resolution drew not just DDRAP but other parties as well, complicating the political landscape. Since it targeted the current center-right National People's Party, we faced heavy counterattacks.
But DDRAP held its ground admirably. We survived the infighting with Germany's largest party, the still-powerful SPD (though now in the past), and the religiously tinted German Center Party.
We endured stubbornly. We amplified our voice stubbornly.
In the process, Goebbels grew into an outstanding orator. Max Amann's propaganda became more meticulous and adept. Hanfstaengl managed and multiplied the party's funds appropriately. The Wave Corps had now swelled to 130,000 members.
It was still short of the Steel Helmets allied with the National People's Party, but unlike their ragtag group, all 130,000 Wave Corps members were official party members and militia.
Krichz stepped down as Wave Corps leader to take on a new mission. He was now one of the 15 Reichstag members in Berlin.
I directly commanded the Wave Corps, with Rudolf Hess—Strasser's successor and my secretary—assisting as needed.
Time passed.
May 20, 1927. The Weimar Republic's fifth general election loomed a year away.
May 20, 1927. Returning home, I faced Catalina, who for some reason wore a sullen expression. She glanced at me and turned her head away again.
"What's wrong, Catalina?"
"Lucas. Don't we... spend too little time together?"
"I've been busy lately."
DDRAP was cruising smoothly now. With the tide coming in, it was natural to row hard. And Catalina wasn't the type who couldn't understand that. In fact, she'd endured being practically neglected for the past year.
"Busy tomorrow too?"
"Probably."
She bowed her head. Her shoulders twitched—
Was she laughing?
Catalina lifted the corner of her mouth, then raised her head.
"No. That's not okay."
"What's not?"
"Spend time with me tomorrow. You haven't gone out with me once since returning from Linzberg."
"True enough."
"Actually, I asked Hess. Tomorrow's a holiday, right? Let's go see a movie."
She said this while showing me two movie tickets. The title was My Struggle.
Wait... My Struggle?
"The title's weird."
"Lucas, you're the protagonist... What do you think?"
Catalina was a former journalist. She'd have no trouble digging into my background. But more than that...
I focused on the ticket she handed me. The title and director's name caught my eye.
"Leni Riefenstahl..."
"The director. Do you know her?"
"No. That's why it's even stranger. Why make a movie about me?"
I tilted my head.
In truth, Max Amann was handling all publication matters for My Struggle. Being in Berlin, he might not have informed me about the movie yet. I'd ask him later.
But... Leni Riefenstahl. I said I didn't know her, but she's someone I know all too well.
The master of Nazi propaganda films, a figure who left her mark on world cinema history. A genius with overwhelming talent in camera angles and direction.
How could I resist if she'd made a film with me as the subject?
I nodded.
"Alright. I'll make time tomorrow."
Tomorrow was a holiday, as she said.