The German Struggle Alliance
I continued to deliver impassioned speeches at party leader meetings even after that. These gatherings weren't just attended by the party heads; they also drew heavyweights once hailed as "war heroes," with Erich Ludendorff being the prime example.
At first, my arguments—a kid from Munich named Falkenrain—didn't carry much weight. Unfortunately, convincing people whose mindsets and perceptions were so divorced from the masses was a tricky business.
But things changed once Ludendorff reacted.
"It's a tremendous source of pride that a young man like you exists in Germany. 'Join or oppose,' was it? I'm choosing to join."
It was sudden. In the original timeline, Ludendorff should have joined the "National Socialist German Workers' Party" around this time, but in this third attempt, his enlistment was delayed. Still, fate's whims had steered him to DDRAP.
He proposed joining me, and from that moment, the atmosphere shifted. One by one, the high-and-mighties at the meeting began to come around.
"As I said, forming an alliance right now to stand against France won't change a thing. It's not France that needs changing—it's us Germans."
"I've agreed with you from the start. I'm in."
"Don't mind my harsh words earlier. Even I think the current situation is rotten. We have to save the people of the Ruhr. Of course."
And with that, the first party leaders' meeting wrapped up.
Then, on September 2, the second meeting all but settled the factions. Most of Bavaria's right-wing parties agreed to unite with DDRAP. I named this alliance the "German Struggle Alliance," directly following the precedent set by that art-school dropout from Braunau am Inn, Mr. "H."
It was a sudden bombshell. Ludendorff had abruptly joined DDRAP.
The news sent Munich's party members and supporters into ecstasy. After all, he was a hero of the Eastern Front in World War I, standing shoulder-to-shoulder with Hindenburg.
"You may already know, but your name has reached my ears multiple times. If even the East was buzzing with it, your exploits must have been extraordinary."
"You're too kind, General."
"I like passionate, patriotic young men like you. It's youngsters like you who keep the machinery of the state running. You know that, right? I did it in my youth, and now it's your turn."
"That said... are you sure about this? A retired general joining a little Bavarian party? There's the German People's Party or the Center Party, isn't there?"
It was a genuine question. One I'd harbored in the original timeline and even the second loop. What was a giant like Ludendorff lacking that he'd join a minor outfit like this? I hadn't had the chance to ask in the second loop, but now I did.
"Ha, you know how the Center Party can get fanatical sometimes. Gives me the chills—they're not even on the table. The German People's Party is tolerable, but personally, we don't get along. My friend Hindenburg might approve, but I'll pass."
"If I may ask, what happened with the German People's Party?"
"Nothing major. They just acted like cowards. You know how any group turns conservative once it grows big. SPD goes without saying—they've been abandoned even by fellow leftists."
Ludendorff waved it off as he spoke. Indeed, the SPD—Marxist leftists—had long shown conservative tendencies, earning rejection from other left-wing parties. If anything, they now played the "center-left" role in the Weimar Republic, shunning Soviet ties and pushing their own brand of "socialism," so the far-left didn't even consider them kin. On top of that, the "center-right" Center Party and German People's Party had been key players in the November Revolution alongside the SPD, solidifying power together. In simple terms, the center-left and center-right weren't checking each other—they were colluding by pooling their weight.
That left both far-right and far-left parties out in the cold. No wonder Germany's such a mess. Coups and revolts popped up whenever the wind changed.
"I promise you this, General: DDRAP won't pull that. Waves have to keep changing to stay waves."
"Puhahaha! Right you are. I'll trust you—it's not like I have options. Honestly, among parties our size, is there another with this kind of fire?"
We were radical for our scale, no doubt. We could've just sat pretty as Munich and Bavaria's biggest right-wing force, but we'd stirred up the "Black Night of Bavaria" with Krichz instead. That was why communists were an endangered species in Bavaria.
"By the way... for a nationalist party, you're awfully lenient on Jews. Mind if I ask why?"
"Do you hate Jews, General?"
"Not at all. Just curious."
"...The comrade who died sniped by a British bullet at my side. The subordinate who cheered while firing our guns with me. The medic who lost a leg diving into the mud to save our men. They were all Jews."
"I feel the same. No reason to repeat the French Dreyfus Affair."
"Exactly. Whether they're Jews or not doesn't matter. What matters is they were Germans. Our rage should target not Jews, but every attempt to divide fellow Germans over it."
Ludendorff nodded, pleased with my answer, then chuckled softly.
"Alright. Say we unite all Germans, as you say. What then?"
His question carried layers. It wasn't just about the future—it was about what I'd do with a unified German populace.
And the answer was set.
"We reclaim it. Germany's glory."
"Germany's glory... How?"
"Secure living space for Germans. Dismantle the British and French colonial empires, then abolish colonies entirely."
"Hold on—that's odd. Why not claim colonies for Germany?"
"Colonies are an empire's burden. With German purity and superiority, we don't need them. Better to be their liberators: develop them, sell them goods. That's profit."
It was true. Colonies offered returns but long-term risks. They demanded constant manpower, defense commitments, problem-solving, and selling cheap raw materials—while exploiting locals left a bad taste. As public morals and human rights advanced, they became pure liability. In pre-modern times, colonial ventures had merit, but with factories and automation, hiring locals grew costlier than machines. Boost domestic automation and per-capita output, then sell to liberated nations instead of empires. Far better.
"That clashes with my views."
"I understand, General Ludendorff. I know how much blood we shed for colonial expansion. But now's not the time to worry about that."
Our colonial stances differed, but he had no alternatives. He'd joined DDRAP, and I planned to parade him as the face. A minor difference could wait—for both our sakes.
"Fair enough. Better worry about my health than some distant future."
Ludendorff barked a laugh.
News of Ludendorff joining DDRAP spread nationwide like wildfire. Famous in southern Germany, DDRAP was obscure in Berlin and the north, sparking questions. But two ex-war heroes leading a party? That etched the five letters "DDRAP" into minds.
Morale in the "German Struggle Alliance," centered on DDRAP, skyrocketed.
"Our brothers in the Ruhr are dying! Being exterminated by French troops!"
Allied members, morale at its peak, demanded ever more radical action... and Ludendorff backed them.
Then, on October 15, 1923, thanks to Yahn Krichz, Hanfstaengl, Max Amann, and others, Lucas von Falkenrain was elevated as leader of the Struggle Alliance—usurping the figurehead Ludendorff.
Far-right groups, mimicking the "March on Rome," pressed Falkenrain to act immediately to save Germany. On November 1, 1923, he accepted.
"Normally, I'd be dragged into it... but not me."
Hitler would've been pushed into a Munich Putsch mimicking the "March on Rome." Falkenrain? No. He'd planned it all in advance—down to where and how he'd be arrested.
Failure was the plan. Better to follow Hitler's script than succeed now. Time to purge DDRAP internals. Weed out the weak links.
And on November 8, 1923... the day dawned.