Chapter 88: A New Face in the Senate (1)
Chapter 88: A New Face in the Senate (1)
“It’s because we’ve always been one step behind,” Cicero said. “That’s just my personal opinion.”
“Yes, I agree,” Marcus replied. “To be more specific, we’ve lacked the ability to seize the initiative. Look at Caesar—he’s consistently acted proactively, from the judicial reform and land law to the governorship of Transalpine Gaul and the treaty with the Germanic tribes. He’s always been one step ahead, making his presence felt.”
“We’ve been reacting to his actions instead of taking our own positive steps. We need to change this strategy completely if we want to make progress.”
“So you’re suggesting we stop interfering with Caesar?” Cato asked.
“Honestly, the Senate’s opposition often seems to be aimless and merely for the sake of opposing,” Marcus explained. “If we don’t change this perception, we’ll have no chance in this year’s election, let alone next year’s.”
“Fortunately, we have an opportunity to turn things around. Your father has returned, and Cicero is here too. They should be the faces of the aristocratic faction,” Marcus continued. “We need to show the citizens that we are different from before. We don’t need to block everything Caesar does. To be blunt, we need to practice give-and-take.”
Cato opened his eyes wide. “If we adopt a give-and-take approach, we might end up giving Rome entirely to Caesar.”
“That’s why we have to be cautious,” Marcus said. “The key is to ensure that if we give something, we get something in return. Let me give you some examples.”
“Regarding the land law and the Batinius law on the governorship of Transalpine Gaul, the Senate was helpless and simply pushed around. We should have negotiated better terms for ourselves while the tide was still in our favor. For the governorship law, if we had to concede Transalpine Gaul, we should have pushed for moving Bibulus’s governorship to the East. This would have kept Bibulus engaged and avoided his disappointment.”
“If giving two and taking one is the best option, then we should pursue that. Otherwise, we’ll continue losing ground without gaining anything.”
“That makes sense,” Cato acknowledged, though he remained uneasy. “But if we grant Caesar more power and popularity, how can we stop him?”
Marcus’s point was valid. The time for merely opposing Caesar was over, especially with Pompey now allied with him. Despite Crassus’s efforts to keep Pompey in check, no one in the aristocratic faction seemed capable of countering Caesar’s influence.
Cato studied Marcus’s face as he skillfully led the meeting. “If we must watch Caesar gain more power, then we need to identify someone who can counter him—just as we supported Crassus against Pompey.”
The aristocratic faction needed a unifying figure to oppose Caesar. Cicero, being new and lacking a solid base, was not a viable candidate. Cato himself had support from the aristocrats but lacked popular backing.
The ideal choice was clear: someone with loyalty to the Republic, a strong political foundation, and high popularity among the people. Despite his youth, this person could be the faction’s best chance if they united behind him.
Cato couldn’t take his eyes off Marcus. He realized Marcus was the perfect candidate to lead the aristocratic faction. Determined, Cato decided to persuade the other senators immediately.
He waited for Marcus to finish his duties as quaestor before gathering the aristocratic senators to share his thoughts.
“We must think beyond this year and prepare for the challenges of next year and beyond. Unfortunately, next year is likely to be even tougher than this one.”
The faces of the aristocratic senators, buoyed by Marcus’s return, were filled with concern. Metellus Scipio asked, “Why do you say that? Didn’t we fail to pass the decree to postpone the election today? Our declaration condemning the assassins was well received by the citizens. If we continue to regain support…”
“The problem is that Caesar will gain citizens’ support faster than we can,” Marcus replied. “I dislike Caesar, but I recognize his abilities. He will likely stabilize Transalpine Gaul effectively, leaving only northern Gaul and Germania as threats. If those areas become peaceful, the citizens will see him as the one who secured Rome’s peace. We can’t catch up with him just by gaining a bit of popularity.”
“Ah, I see… But what should we do?” the senators asked, their faces pale with realization.
Crassus shook his head. “It might be risky if both Pompey and Caesar gain power.”
“Can’t you restrain Caesar, Marcus? You’re his father-in-law and have lent him a lot of money as his creditor,” Metellus asked.
“That’s why I’ve been able to control him up to now,” Marcus replied. “But he allied with Pompey to escape my influence. With Pompey backing him, Caesar has more financial freedom. Politically, Pompey is not under my control either…”
Cato added with a grim expression, “And Pompey has the military power we lack. He’s the best support Caesar could have for pursuing military glory.”
Metellus pondered for a moment before responding, “I understand the situation. So what should we do? Should we just accept that the populares will dominate?”
Cato sighed deeply, a bitter smile on his face. “If we handle this carelessly, that’s exactly what will happen. Caesar and Pompey are steadily advancing their plans. I realized this too late. If not for Marcus’s clear analysis yesterday, I would still be narrow-minded.”
“That can’t be…”
“Are their goals to dismantle the Senate system?”
“I can’t say for sure,” Cato replied, “but they definitely want to diminish the Senate’s influence. If this continues, we’ll become insignificant, merely raising our hands as Caesar and Pompey dictate.”
The senators reacted strongly to Cato’s stark assessment. Some were filled with anger, others looked pale and despondent, while a few faced the situation calmly.
Crassus, maintaining his composure, suggested a countermeasure. “There’s still a possibility. We could try to sow discord between Caesar and Pompey. When Caesar goes to Transalpine Gaul as governor, their close alliance might weaken.”
“That’s a good point,” someone agreed. “If we can break their alliance, we might be able to respond more effectively.”
The Senate had previously attempted to drive a wedge between Caesar and Pompey, but all efforts had failed. Their alliance proved stronger than anticipated, with neither party swayed by rumors or schemes. They didn’t even realize that some of these plans had been leaked through Marcus.
However, it might be easier to create discord when Caesar leaves Rome to govern Transalpine Gaul, leaving Pompey to rule Rome alone.
Cato dampened their hopes. “It won’t be easy. They likely anticipate our attempts to drive a wedge between them. After several failed attempts, they’ve probably prepared countermeasures.”
“But if we plan carefully…”
“There’s limited scope for maneuvering,” Cato continued. “It would have been easier if both were in Rome. Once Caesar becomes governor of Transalpine Gaul, only Pompey will remain in Rome. We need them to have equal power and contend with each other, but…”
The alliance between Caesar and Pompey would only collapse if their interests clashed or their trust broke. However, their roles were perfectly divided, and their trust was strong.
“That’s right,” Metellus said with a bitter laugh. “Unless Caesar’s power grows to the point where it makes Pompey wary, there’s no reason for Pompey to push Caesar away.”
Metellus’s realization underscored the absurdity of the idea. Caesar’s achievements, though impressive, were still overshadowed by Pompey’s accomplishments. Pompey had eradicated the pirates threatening Rome and subdued chaotic Asia Minor. Stabilizing the three northern provinces was insignificant in comparison.
Understanding this, Pompey had readily agreed to Caesar’s five-year governorship.
Crassus tapped his forehead with his palm and bit his tongue. “Then, Cato, what are you suggesting? You don’t want us to accept this harsh reality and fall under Pompey’s control, do you?”
“Of course not,” Cato replied. “But we can’t continue with the current approach. If we want to oppose Caesar effectively, the aristocratic faction needs a clear leader. Fortunately, we have someone who can stand up to Pompey—it's you, Crassus. Although your popularity has lagged behind Pompey’s since his successful Eastern campaign, we can boost your standing with the support of the aristocrats. The real issue is Caesar…”
“Caesar will be in the northern provinces for five years. If he returns successfully, his popularity might rival yours and Pompey’s. Who in the Senate could gain such acclaim in that time… Ah, perhaps Cicero could.”
“Cicero might be an option, but is there someone more suitable? I’m referring to Marcus—a very outstanding talent.”
“Marcus?” The mood among the senators shifted immediately.
Metellus reacted strongly, raising his voice and shaking his head. “Marcus is still too young. Making him the central figure of the aristocratic faction…”
“Think about five years from now, not just now,” Cato insisted. “True, Marcus is young, but he has a stellar reputation in the Senate. His achievements are remarkable. Metellus, do you know what the citizens are saying outside?”
“…?”
“The citizens don’t even remember that Bibulus was consul this year. They refer to it as the year of Marcus and Caesar’s consulship.”
In Rome, a year is commonly identified by the names of the two consuls who served that year. This year should have been known as the consulship of Caesar and Bibulus, but no Roman citizen viewed it that way.
Cato continued, his tone heavy with meaning, “Some citizens even refer to this year as the time when Caesar and Marcus were consuls.”
“What does that mean?” Metellus asked.
“It means that Marcus has performed impressively as aedile. He’s accumulated significant merits while we’ve been fumbling. His projects this year, especially the Tabernae, will show results next year. If the improvements in sanitation and new farming methods bring positive changes, Marcus’s reputation will rise to match Caesar’s. We need to present him as the new face of the aristocratic faction.”
“Certainly, Marcus is currently the most popular figure among the citizens,” Crassus conceded.
“Yes,” Cato affirmed. “Youth may seem like a weakness in the Senate, but to the citizens, it can represent a break from the old, rigid system and a move toward change.”
All eyes turned to Crassus, the current leader of the aristocratic faction. He smiled awkwardly and hesitated.
“Marcus is my son, after all. Whatever I say will be colored by personal feelings. So, for this matter, I won’t offer my opinion.”
The other senators continued their discussion, and it became clear that the only viable option was Marcus.
Despite the unconventional choice of placing a young man under thirty at the center of power, no one objected. Even Cato, a staunch republican, believed this was the best course of action.
Marcus had always acted in alignment with the values of the republic, even refusing to take up the position of aedile for that reason. Cato was convinced that Marcus was as dedicated to the republic as he, Cicero, or Brutus.
With the support of the other senators, there was no reason to delay. Cato asked Marcus to lead the aristocratic faction alongside Cicero.
Marcus firmly refused. “Even if it’s for the sake of the aristocratic faction, this goes against the values of republicanism. It’s no different from what Sulla did under the guise of preserving the republic.”
Cato felt reassured by Marcus’s reaction. “We’re not asking you to be a dictator. We’re asking you to lead as a representative of the aristocratic faction.”
“Please give me some time to think.”
“Alright. But we won’t leave until you agree.”
Marcus closed his eyes, lost in thought. He wasn’t concerned with republican values, but with the practical implications of the decision.
Marcus had anticipated such an offer, but it came sooner than expected.
If he accepted now, he would need to adjust his plan slightly.
After quickly assessing the situation, Marcus nodded, acknowledging the necessity.
“I understand. But if I believe this compromises republicanism, I will step down as the representative of the aristocratic faction. You understand that, right?”
“Of course,” Cato replied. “I’m glad you’re on board. With this, we can finally breathe a sigh of relief.”
Cato exhaled, relieved to have navigated this crisis.
He was confident that Marcus had the potential to match Caesar's rise.
Marcus lived up to Cato’s expectations.
The aristocratic faction, having gained time by postponing the election, passed a series of laws that were well-received by the citizens.
Marcus, who had the Senate’s unwavering support, effectively functioned as another consul.
As a result, they performed better than anticipated in the magistrates' election, where an overwhelming defeat had been predicted.
Indeed, both consuls went to Caesar’s faction—Caesar’s father-in-law Piso and Pompey’s ally Gabinius were elected as the next consuls.
While this outcome was disappointing, it had been an expected result, leaving the Senate faction with limited options.
However, they managed to elect three out of eight praetors, three out of four aediles, and five tribunes of the plebs.
This allowed them to still represent the interests of the aristocratic faction with minimal activity in the coming year.
The prevailing sentiment was that their decision to fully support Marcus was vindicated.
Yet, the Senate remained unaware of a crucial detail.
The fact that all the praetors elected were chosen at the Triumvirate's meeting was unknown to them.
Even Cicero, as well as Cato, failed to realize that none of the praetors were pure aristocratic faction candidates.
Most of the praetors the Senate believed were on their side were actually clients of the Crassus family.
They acted according to the will of Crassus and Marcus, rather than the Senate’s directives.
It might have been a blessing that they were unaware of this harsh reality.
Even if they had known, there was nothing they could have done about it.