Chapter 74: The Triumvirate (2)
Chapter 74: The Triumvirate (2)
As soon as Caesar’s term as governor ended, he secured a ship and returned to Rome. News of his arrival at the port of Ostia and his journey to Rome reached Marcus first. Almost simultaneously, Pompey and the Senate also learned of Caesar’s return.
Pompey, who had been listening to Cato’s tedious speech in the Senate, jumped up and cheered upon hearing the news. The senators, who had been dozing off to Cato’s speech, were startled awake.
“I apologize,” Pompey said, “I was so relieved that this tiresome farce is finally over that I became rude.”
Afranius, who had been consul in 60 BC, looked puzzled. “What do you mean, Magnus?”
“Caesar has earned the right to hold a triumph. It is the Senate’s duty to respond to a triumphant commander’s request. We can’t continue stalling as we have been.”
“It seems you’re misunderstanding something. We have never stalled.”
“Ha! We’ll see how long you can keep that up!” Pompey retorted, then turned and left the meeting hall. He glanced briefly at Marcus before exiting. Their eyes met for a moment, unnoticed by the other senators.
As soon as Pompey left, the senators, who had been pretending calm, began discussing their countermeasures. Bibulus, a strong candidate for the next consul election, was the first to speak.
“I don’t understand why the Senate should be so concerned about Caesar. He isn’t Pompey.”
“Caesar is more dangerous than Pompey because he is fundamentally different,” Cato replied, frowning.
“Bibulus, remember what Caesar has said and done in the Senate. Pompey may have ignored the Senate, but he never treated it as an enemy. We could at least coexist with him. Caesar, however, has always sought to undermine the Senate’s legitimacy and authority. He’s not like Pompey.”
“That doesn’t mean we should be overly tense. Look at Clodius, who runs wild in the assembly like a madman. He shows more hostility towards the Senate than anyone else, yet all he does is annoy us. Unless Caesar has Pompey’s influence and skill, he isn’t worth making such a fuss over.”
Many senators agreed with this view. Few saw Caesar as a serious threat. Although he led the populares and opposed the Senate, he was not perceived as an immediate danger. Just a year ago, he had been deeply in debt and unable to even depart for Gaul as governor. To the senators, Caesar seemed more like a debt-ridden playboy than a dangerous rebel. Moreover, he had never held the consulship, and the older senators were especially reluctant to be swayed by such a young politician.
“Caesar is certainly wicked. That’s a fact. I agree that we should teach him a lesson, but treating him as an equal opponent to Pompey is excessive.”
“That’s right. Caution is wise, but if we overdo it, we might appear cowardly to the public.”
Cato pounded his chest in frustration at the moderates' optimism. “Haven’t we failed many times because of this kind of soft approach? I’ve been advocating to stop Caesar, but what’s the result? We couldn’t prevent him from becoming pontifex maximus or praetor, and now he’s quietly earned himself a triumph in Gaul!”
Scipio Metellus, from Rome’s most prestigious family, scoffed. “We didn’t fail to stop him. You were the one advocating to stop Caesar, weren’t you? To be precise, we haven’t even tried properly yet.”
“That’s why I’m pleading with you to make a proper effort this time. You’re underestimating Caesar. He may seem inferior to Pompey now, but what if he becomes consul and five more years pass? What if his young followers from the populares flood the Senate? It will be too late to regret not having crushed him sooner. Please consider my opinion for the sake of preserving the republic and defending the Senate’s honor!”
Cato’s desperate appeal swayed the moderates, particularly because he had been instrumental in restraining Pompey. The Senate agreed to adopt Cato’s position this time.
Not everyone agreed with Cato. Cicero was very dissatisfied with the Senate's trend of opposing simply for opposition’s sake. He had agreed to restrain Pompey out of necessity but was reluctant to suppress Caesar after Pompey.
Unlike Pompey, who had been associated with numerous illegalities and privileges, Caesar had not yet broken the law. This wasn’t a matter of political orientation; it was about how to restrict someone who was working within the bounds of the law.
Cicero, a staunch advocate for the law, could not condone such arbitrary use of the system. However, he lacked the courage to oppose the prevailing sentiment, knowing that his position as a newcomer was precarious. Despite his high reputation, he understood that challenging the powerful Optimates faction could undermine the foundation he had barely established. He had no loyalty strong enough to risk such danger for Caesar.
Nonetheless, Cicero was discontent with the situation. He approached Marcus and tentatively voiced his concerns.
“Do you think the direction of this discussion is right?”
“I don’t know.”
“Isn’t Caesar your father-in-law? You should be concerned about the unfair treatment he’s facing.”
Marcus looked at Cicero with a calm gaze. “You know well that my father-in-law is also disliked by the Senate. He must have anticipated this outcome.”
“Do you have any solution?”
“Well… I respect my father-in-law, but I don’t share his political views. He hasn’t discussed how to handle this situation with me.”
Marcus was speaking truthfully. He knew Caesar’s plans but had not heard them directly from him, at least not until now. He also honestly admitted his political differences with Caesar. Unlike Pompey, Caesar had a tendency to overestimate his own abilities, which sometimes led to issues that could backfire. Marcus had no intention of making such mistakes; he aimed to avoid giving any opportunity to those who might view him as an enemy. If necessary, he would remove them without hesitation.
Cicero was unaware of Marcus’s true intentions and assumed that Marcus, as a fervent republican, was at odds with Caesar, who led an anti-Senate faction.
“I understand. It must be difficult for you to navigate a political conflict with your beloved wife’s father. I hope it doesn’t come to that.”
“I will do my best to mediate between them. I don’t believe Caesar will completely disregard the Senate, as Cato fears.”
“I agree. Cato is overreacting due to his personal feelings towards Caesar. Although Caesar criticizes the Senate, his claims are not entirely baseless.”
The Senate-centered oligarchy had been effective when Rome’s territory was limited to the Italian peninsula. However, after the Punic Wars, as Rome’s dominion expanded across Hispania, North Africa, and Greece, the limitations of the system became apparent. A more suitable system was needed to govern the vast empire. Cicero was not oblivious to this reality; the current Senate system had its limits.
He did not deny that the Senate-centered oligarchy was the foundation of Rome. Cicero aimed to improve the republic to better suit the needs of the expanding empire. He believed he could coexist with Caesar if he could explain his perspective effectively. Although Cato, a principled extremist, might disagree, Cicero felt that such differences could be overcome. However, he failed to recognize—or chose to ignore—the deeper reality: Rome’s corruption had grown so severe that mere improvements to the republic would not suffice.
Pompey realized he could not overcome this crisis alone. Faced with Caesar’s return, he knew cooperation with Caesar was necessary. Swallowing his pride, Pompey sent a letter to Marcus, asking him to act as an intermediary. The letter’s message was clear:
Marcus, feeling the urgency of the situation, agreed to help after reading the letter. He planned the time and place for the meeting: Caesar, unable to enter the Servian Wall, would meet Pompey at the Mars Field on the east side of the Tiber River, where Caesar was staying for his triumphal procession. The meeting was scheduled for a month later to avoid drawing suspicion from the Senate.
Cato, suspecting that Caesar might contact Pompey, closely monitored the situation. To avoid detection, a careful cover-up was needed. Marcus first secured Pompey’s commitment to follow his plan precisely. Pompey, having experienced setbacks from acting independently, agreed.
The plan proceeded as intended. Pompey attended Senate meetings as usual and made a few speeches in favor of Caesar, which were predictably ignored. The Senate decided to follow the same policy against Caesar that they had applied to Pompey.
“Caesar’s triumph will be held on the fifth day of August, the Nones of August. By then, the consul election will be over, allowing everyone to enjoy the triumph. Does anyone object?”
As Afranius finished speaking, Pompey stood up and raised his hand. “If the triumph is scheduled for August, Caesar won’t be able to register as a consul candidate. This is Senate tyranny! If you hold the triumph in August, you must allow Caesar to register in absentia.”
Afranius and Cato exchanged smug smiles. They had anticipated Pompey’s support for Caesar. Afranius responded without hesitation. “I’m sorry, but it’s the same situation as last time. We cannot grant special treatment to Caesar. We must apply the law equally in similar situations, or we risk eroding trust in the Senate.”
“Oh, I’m surprised there’s still trust left to erode,” Pompey retorted sarcastically.
Afranius remained unfazed by Pompey’s sarcasm. The Senate’s plan was not finished. They intended to block Caesar’s consul candidacy for the next year as well. They planned to bribe locals in Hispania and accuse Caesar of corruption before the election. Although the trial would likely end in acquittal, Caesar would be disqualified as a candidate while facing charges.
Surprisingly, it was Marcus who hinted at this scheme. He argued that if Caesar were barred from running for consul for two consecutive years, he would likely refrain from opposing the Senate. Should Caesar capitulate and return, the Senate would be prepared to welcome him back generously.
Marcus’s suggestions on managing Caesar further solidified the Senate’s trust in him.
Marcus demonstrated his resolve not to waver, even though Caesar was his father-in-law. The senators praised Marcus as a key figure in preserving the values of the republic. It was widely assumed that the Crassus family would support Caesar, leaving Pompey as the only potential ally.
However, Pompey appeared to have no effective solution. He tried to defend Caesar for about a week, but the Senate remained unmoved. Frustrated, he left Rome in anger, declaring that he wanted nothing more to do with the corrupt political scene. When Pompey retreated to his villa in Alba, the Senate declared a complete victory.
Cato, ever suspicious, continued to monitor Pompey and Caesar’s movements for another fortnight but found no signs of suspicious activity. “There seems to be no immediate possibility of an alliance between Pompey and Caesar,” he concluded optimistically.
With less than a week remaining before the consul candidate registration deadline, everyone was relieved, believing Caesar would have no choice but to withdraw. At that moment, Marcus felt it was the right time. He contacted Pompey, who had left his villa secretly at dawn, and Marcus arrived at the Mars Field without drawing attention.
Caesar, as usual, was receiving numerous clients in the morning. Pompey and Marcus blended in with these visitors and approached Caesar.
“Magnus, welcome. It’s good to see you, Marcus. How are my lovely grandchildren?” Caesar asked.
“They’re doing well. They’re growing quickly. Julia was almost in tears with joy,” Marcus replied.
“I wish I could return to Rome soon to see those adorable kids. Their names were Trajanus and Lycinia, right?”
“We named our daughter Sophia. Roman names for girls can be so casual. I didn’t want that,” Marcus explained.
Marcus had named his daughter Lycinia Crassus Sophia. Roman female names were often formed simply by adding “ia” to the clan name, such as Lycinia for the Lycinii clan, Julia for the Julii clan, and Cornelia for the Cornelii clan. Marcus wanted a name with more significance, so he chose Sophia, meaning wisdom. His son was named Trajanus after the emperor Trajan, who had achieved significant feats, including the annexation of Mesopotamia and the capture of its capital. Marcus wanted to honor Trajan’s successes and show his determination to avoid the mistakes of his father and brother, who had died in the east. This reasoning was known only to Marcus.
After exchanging pleasantries about his grandchildren, Caesar turned to the main issue. “We don’t have much time left. The Senate has given us an ultimatum to choose between the triumph and the consul candidate registration. I’ve already made up my mind.”
“The Senate expects you to give up the consulship,” Pompey said. “That’s the logical choice for every Roman. But your decision surprises me. I honestly couldn’t do it.”
The consul election occurred every year, but a triumph was a rare, once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for most. This was particularly significant for Caesar, as it would be his first triumph.
The Senate and Caesar’s supporters expected him to choose the triumph over the consulship.
“I’ve already discussed this with Marcus through a letter. He planned based on the assumption that I would forgo the triumph. I have no choice now. The Senate expects me to register as a consul candidate next year and is actively plotting against me. This is our only chance to counter their moves.”
“Giving up the triumph is a painful sacrifice,” Pompey said.
“I don’t see this as the final opportunity. I believe I’ll achieve a greater feat in the future and have a triumph then. Meanwhile, I’ll go to the Capitoline Hill tomorrow and register as a consul candidate. Marcus, did you bring what I requested?”
“Yes. I brought a white horse and a silver civic crown.”
Triumphant generals typically rode white horses during the procession. Caesar insisted on having a white horse for his entry into Rome, which showed that he hadn’t entirely let go of his regret.
Caesar coughed and added an explanation for something not asked. “I want to visually demonstrate to the people that I was unjustly denied a triumph.”
“I didn’t question it,” Marcus replied.
“Registering as a consul candidate doesn’t guarantee victory. The Senate is strongly backing Bibulus, so it’s likely the consuls will be Bibulus and me. Magnus, do you know much about Bibulus?”
Pompey grimaced at the mention of Bibulus. “He’s a loyal lapdog of the Senate. He vetoed every proposal I made. If you become consul with him, your actions will be severely restricted. He’ll likely veto every bill you propose.”
“I expect that. But things won’t go as they want.”
“They better not. Otherwise, there’s no reason for us three to join forces.”
Pompey turned to Marcus and asked, “Crassus will fully support us from behind the scenes, correct?”
“Of course. My father is hosting a large banquet to distract the Senate. Since you and my father are not on good terms, I will attend the meetings as his proxy from now on. You can consider my will as his.”
“That’s more comfortable for me. Good. Now, let’s discuss our main objectives. We all have something to gain from this alliance, right? My wish is to secure land for my soldiers and teach the Senate a lesson.”
Caesar smiled confidently. “That will happen. What I want is the province of Gaul and a governorship for at least three years.”
“You want to stay in Gaul for three years? Don’t tell me you…”
“I believe I deserve compensation for giving up this triumph.”
“Fine. Do as you see fit.”
Pompey did not take Caesar’s ambition too seriously. He believed that despite Caesar’s efforts in Gaul, he could not match Pompey’s own illustrious achievements.
Finally, Marcus spoke. “First, you must ensure benefits for the equestrian class that supports our family. I’ve asked them to make some sacrifices recently. While I’ve compensated them, it’s time to offer more than just compensation. Additionally, I have one personal request.”
He looked at both men and spoke softly. “I need to be appointed as an aedile to manage Rome’s general administration.”