Chapter 75
Chapter 75
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Translator: Ryuma
Chapter: 75
Chapter Title: Westernization Reforms (3)
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Hong Bonghan asked bluntly, as if he himself were the Minister of Military Affairs.
"How many troops are in the Jangyong Inner and Outer Camps?"
"That's not something I can appropriately answer, as I'm not the Jangyong Commander..."
I tried to dodge like a model official, citing division of duties and regulations.
But it didn't work on Hong Bonghan.
"Don't give me complicated excuses. You made them yourself."
Damn it. Joseon wasn't a rule-of-law state.
"I know about the Jangyong Commander (Hong Gyehee) since he's a fellow high-ranking official in the Equal Tax Bureau, but the man has grand ambitions and isn't the type to fuss over trivial numbers."
He's saying it politely, at least.
He's right. Uncle Hong Gyehee is weak on details.
Back when we discussed the Equal Tax Law, he said something like, 'The uniform tax is roughly 500,000, so we're collecting double at a million now, and halving it would naturally leave us 500,000 short,' and I was so dumbfounded I couldn't speak.
It's on the level of 'US interest rates rose 3%, so let's raise apartment prices by 3% and sell them.'
I remember it coming up casually while writing the Equal Tax Facts report for the Crown Prince. Did he think the national budget was bullshit, or the Crown Prince was bullshit? Probably both.
If the Equal Tax Bureau had operated that way, it made sense why Hong Bonghan assumed 'Hong Gyehee couldn't handle this.'
With nothing more to say, I surrendered.
"Two thousand in the Inner Camp, three thousand in the Outer Camp. Including laborers, it's just under six thousand."
"Right. Why so few?"
"Pardon?"
"How many troops did you abolish this time?"
"Around 70,000. But that's..."
"I know. The obvious line about them only being on the rolls, not actually existing—save it. That's not what I mean. You reduced the troops even further than that. On purpose. To create elite soldiers stronger than any camp in the capital! That's what I'm asking about."
I swallowed hard and looked at Hong Bonghan.
It wasn't some thought like 'He saw through my scheme! Sorry, but you have to die!'
What the hell are you talking about?
Hong Bonghan thought Kim Unhaeng was playing innocent.
Kim Unhaeng's strategy for the army was ruthless selection.
First, among the provincial troops, those with farmland in the area or hoping to settle there for other reasons were all integrated as locals or laborers in that province.
The king would welcome more such people. They paid military cloth taxes. Laborers performed corvée instead of military cloth, so it balanced out.
But conversely, this smoothly weeded out the unmotivated who wanted out of the army. Especially those who fled while marching to Seoul.
And Kim Unhaeng had effectively dismissed a huge number during weapon selection. They might be reinstated, but rejoining the Jangyong Camps would be tough.
Those left in the Jangyong Camps now were the cream of the crop, like filtered soju. From lazy provincial camps, they were officers prepping for war like they were Yi Sunsin.
On top of that, many were pulled for managing and supporting the Peonsun Post Stations along the Han River. Kim Unhaeng handled both Peonsun and Jangyong operations single-handedly, making it possible.
The result? An astonishingly high officer-to-soldier ratio of elite troops.
Even by numbers alone, it was less than the top 10% of the abolished forces, selected naturally without tests or interviews. Even suspicious low-rank footsoldiers had nearly full guns and horses at roll call.
Hong Bonghan wasn't a military expert, so he didn't figure it out alone.
He caught on thanks to Training Commandant Kim Seong-eung, another Five Camps commander, visiting a few days ago.
"Your Excellency. I'm not one to ask favors, but could you petition the provincial governors to increase arms stockpiles?"
"Why suddenly?"
"Our Training Bureau makes matchlocks and sells them to provincial camps for revenue, but now most camps are gone. We're already accused of forced sales, and censors ignore us, saying 'no camps, no need for guns.' At this rate, we can't even pay soldiers' rice rations."
Hong Bonghan couldn't say, 'You're guilty of forced sales anyway.' The Five Camps lived off similar schemes; no snitching.
"I'll petition once. Guns wear out fast, so replacements are needed."
"As expected of an expert in military affairs. I won't bother you again. The Jangyong Camps are building along the Han and selling land; we've agreed to procure materials from markets via our bureau."
The prestigious Training Bureau held the most privileges in Joseon.
Beyond gun sales, they collected taxes primitively from provincial markets, like Peonsun Stations.
Handling materials brokerage wasn't bad. Fees would inflate prices, but it wasn't from Kim Unhaeng's pocket.
"That'll save us. Without such consideration, it'd be disappointing. Kim Chunsik pushed hard reforms but knows propriety, so..."
"Wait, who?"
"Kim Unhaeng, Military Affairs Clerk. Said Jangyong needs our help due to shortages. Makes sense; he picked only elites."
"Picked elites?"
Kim Seong-eung's kind explanation revealed Kim Unhaeng's 'scheme' to Hong Bonghan.
Reviewing politically, Kim Unhaeng's goal crystallized.
The 'royal authority' he'd smoothly boosted as the king's in-law was now surging beyond his control.
The Training Bureau was strongest, but including time-warping magic.
As Outer Camps Commandant, Hong Bonghan believed the Outer Camps Bureau had raw power. Not wrong.
But per Kim Seong-eung, Kim Unhaeng gifted the king a small elite rapid-response force blending Training Bureau mobility and Outer Camps power.
More crucial than the army: money to back it.
Even Hong Bonghan, Equal Tax high official, sighed over no more money post-reform. Yet Kim Unhaeng did it with two radical moves.
Massive disarmament, known. And dismantling Gyeonggang merchants.
Jangyong Outer Camp was already stamping Peonsun authority on Han River inns and ferries.
Traditionally, innkeeper-brokers were appointed by Gyeonggang merchants and market guilds.
But Kim Unhaeng, as 'spread virtue' policy head, deemed such barbaric customs—suspiciously Western?—fit for correction.
Tradition crumbled before 'enlightenment.' Obey and lose peacefully; resist and get beaten then lose.
No Gyeonggang merchant followed the alcohol ban (grain handlers), so pretext abounded.
Joseon meticulously enforced ignored laws for such excuses.
Gyeonggang merchants begged high officials via connections.
But with 'Chief Councillor' Kim Jae-ro scolded, who dared?
Mess up, and like Min Baek-sang who shut Kim Jae-ro up, end up on Geoje Island.
Gangs pay protection, but when bigger interests loom, police discard them.
No career risked for lounge favors against top orders.
Plus, Han River laborers—seeming surplus handlers—synergized.
Gyeonggang's tacit grain transport rights were tacit, deniable anytime.
Like claiming no collection rights when seizing provincial funds post-Equal Tax.
With one memorial, Kim Unhaeng elevated the king as true ruler of Hanyang via force and finance.
Reason the king accepted his impudent 'administrative policies.'
Problem: No Hong Bonghan's name.
Hong Bonghan came to check if the king ditched him for a new Noron force, and gauge Kim Unhaeng as potential archfoe.
I racked my brains furiously.
I couldn't fathom why Jangyong was elite, but Hong Bonghan's tone suggested wariness.
Why can't the king have elites?
Rebellion?
Absurd for Hong Bonghan. His power stemmed from Yeongjo.
"Outer and Training Camps have hundreds of barracks in the capital, but Jangyong needs more. Provincial soldiers can't lodge forever. Like wartime, living in camps, not doffing armor for years—no finer elites exist."
Then I got it. Aha. Worried the king excluded him for a new army and base?
Don't worry. Your in-law just wants to fill the red ink.
Build a rival to you under me? Why risk with politically flawless Yeongjo?
I don't expect promotion under Yeongjo anyway.
Elders like Park Mun-su block; better wait their death.
My era comes with Hong Bonghan's eldest grandson—my merit saved him—the generation after.
Crown Prince's era? In some dusty corner.
Hong Bonghan isn't the prince's father-in-law. King's in-law. In Imo Firebird Rebellion, he abandoned his son-in-law without hesitation.
No petty grudges; long-term rift hurts.
How to reassure Hong Bonghan?
It didn't take long.
Linking my remaining two Westernization policies—Administrative Trio 2 and 3—Yeongjo still timing, ideas flowed.
"Raising elite troops is my duty as Military Affairs underling. What else? I wanted to consult the Outer Camps Commandant urgently but hesitated as a lowly official to request audience."
Hong Bonghan eyed me suspiciously.
"What consultation?"
I laid out Policy 2, originally just for Yeongjo.
I'd considered tying Outer Camps Bureau for funds, unlike Training Commandant Kim Seong-eung. For Hong Bonghan, generalship was means, not end—political favor sufficed.
He'd soon leave for another post anyway.
At talk's end, stroking his beard:
"I seem to have misjudged talent. The Crown Prince trusts you deeply; I've been too busy with state affairs to check."
"I should've paid respects sooner; forgive my rudeness."
Thus, I allied with the king's confidant.
No need noting five Peonsun posts to Hong Bonghan. He'd delegate.
As Equal Tax high official, Hong Bonghan could memorialize follow-ups.
Next day post-meeting, he presented Kim Unhaeng's second policy.
"Since Goryeo, defense hinges on Shimdo (Ganghwa). King Yeongjo repaired its castles and walls diligently; the late king also reinforced them, no?"
Joseon's mobile defense: three strategies.
Enemy from north? Flee south.
From south? Flee north.
Neither? Flee west to Ganghwa, hole up.
King Injo's failure: third strategy. Too casual as swift ancestor's heir. Hong Taiji outsped, pierced his spine.
"Yet the vital Ganghwa route's grain barges are diverted by Training Bureau for transport, hard to ready in crisis. With sly merchants ousted and Han order restored, revive old systems for seamless ships to Ganghwa."
Permanent, constant water-link from capital via Han to West Sea.
Even if Qianlong suddenly decides to Qing-ize Joseon like Junggars, no need bending like bow again. Faster than Injo, unlike Seonjo uniquely, no one stops the flying ship Joseon king.
To avoid Training Bureau precedent, this rapid force separate from Han laborers.
But thrift Joseon dislikes idle peacetime units.
So they take some capital courier duties.
Government letters/items free; private for fee.
Public/private letters marked (private mail) against abuse by power/corruption; issued by Equal Tax Bureau.
Kim Unhaeng's second Westernization: 'postal system.'
Yi Geum smiled meaningfully at his in-law.
"That must be from Outer Camps Commandant consulting Military Affairs Clerk Kim Unhaeng."
"How evade His Majesty's insight? Your Highness's gracious policies—ignorance shames my duty, so I humbly asked, refined his detailed plan slightly."
Hong Bonghan hinted petulance at exclusion; Yi Geum laughed, apologized.
"Passed through Equal Tax hands, far from raw youth's idea I heard. I'll specially heed court dispatches henceforth."
"Overwhelmed."
Both knew no changes by Hong Bonghan. Adult talk.
With court gatekeeper Hong Bonghan aboard, 'enlightenment' surged.
Kim Unhaeng nimbly rode the wave.
Not everyone pieces info like Hong Bonghan, centering me.
Needs power, politics, intellect. Hong Bonghan wasn't just lucky dad.
Common Gyeonggang merchants lacked it.
Couldn't link my disarmament, Peonsun creation, laborer revival.
Suddenly soldiers swarm, beating for monopolizing grain/ferries: only thought—king money-mad, tormenting them.
Half-true.
So I cared for these poor folk.
Gyeonggang: navy-surpassing water transport group.
Build bigger ships than warships, roam nationwide. Waste to discard.
I used reserved Peonsun posts.
Bought three.
Symbolic: I direct Mapo fish market one. Songpa inn to Yi Jae-un.
Geomunpo other to suitable low yangban like concubine son.
Planned full direct, but face: yangban can't market personally, so subcontractors.
Sigh. Middle fees.
Reality; ignore not.
More would show; rest to in-laws or Gangnam Academy students as labor pay. Hong Bonghan's included.
Thus, at least 30% Han ferry economy under my direct/indirect control.
Scoop scattered Gyeonggang brokers/captains cheap? Easy.
I stood tall before merchants.
"From tomorrow, obey our Sini-dang teacher and Captain Chae (Chae Yi-seong)."
"Your grace towers mountains, deeper seas."
They knelt, kowtowed.
Not just me; other 'enlightenment' officials/privates emulated.
Yeongjo overlooked big Gyeonggang force push—burdensome.
But none match my fleet scale.
Jump into vacant grain transport with it?
No. Not vacant—laborers fill. Pretext awkward post-purge.
I eye 'other vacancy.'
Links Policy 2, and 3.
My Westernization unstoppable. Enlightenment: era's tide.
Author's Note
1. Joseon's uniform taxpayers nearest census ≪Uniform Tax Total≫: 570,000. Hong Gyehee reports similarly in ≪Equal Tax Facts≫ to Crown Prince.
Not sloppy; simplified for ease.
Practically: exemptions, reductions, non-applicables, complex economics (Joseon granular laws)—Hong knew not so simple. Final: Kim Sang-ro estimated ~800,000 cloth reduction, policy-adjusted.
2. Training Bureau did force-sell guns to locals for revenue. 17-18th c. Joseon naval buildup, new ships: in-story 'flying ship' presumed fast vessel. Also steam-like paddle but human-powered, wheels bilateral.