On the Eve of the Great War (6)

Finally, the formal peace negotiations had begun. The negotiating parties were the Ottoman Empire, the Russian Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the British Empire. These four great powers, who held sway over the Balkans, gathered in Constantinople. Why was the British Empire involved, you ask? It was practically an unwritten rule of global diplomacy that Great Britain had to stick its nose into every affair, even if they had absolutely no stakes in it. Who knows why? That was just how they operated. And where were Greece and Serbia, the actual combatants? Well, this was how twentieth-century diplomacy worked. Besides, if Serbia were allowed at the negotiating table, the talks would have devolved into an absolute circus in no time.

"I see you have arrived as the plenipotentiary ambassador for these negotiations, Sir Cartwright," Shtal said.

"Ah, Representative Shtal. You are here as well?"

"Yes. This time, I am not here merely as a corporate representative, but in my official capacity as a plenipotentiary ambassador."

"..."

See that? Shtal thought. There is a reason I usually operate without an official public title. I can have one whenever I want. It is just that running around as a company president gives me far more freedom of movement.

In any case, thanks to the cooperation of Great Britain and Romania, coupled with the desperate struggle of Greece, the front lines had been pushed far back to the north. And that was not all. Greece was now in a position where it could potentially cross the Serbian border. However, there was a catch.

There was no way the Russian Empire would stand idly by while Greece swallowed Serbia whole. Naturally, Russia had pressured Romania, and Serbia was narrowly saved from the brink of total annihilation. Yet, their reprieve was only temporary.

"The Serbian side will likely be unable to continue the war any further," Sir Cartwright remarked. "I hear their domestic situation is quite dire."

"Ah, yes, Sir Cartwright. I have heard the same," Shtal replied.

Indeed, Serbia's internal state was on the verge of collapse. Serbia was a nation so consumed by militarism that they had actually written a clause into their constitution declaring their intent to conquer the entire Balkan Peninsula. It was a militaristic state by its very nature. For such a country to lose a war—especially one they had practically won—was bound to cause massive domestic upheaval. However, Shtal had no intention of letting Serbia be destroyed just yet. Serbia had to remain intact until the outbreak of the Great War. Until then, they would serve as a perfect tool to distract the public.

"Ah, Representative Shtal. The Serbians seem highly displeased about being excluded from these negotiations," Sir Cartwright noted.

"Actually, from Apis's perspective, this is a blessing in disguise."

"Oh? How so?"

"A true demagogue always finds a way to turn failure into opportunity. This is the perfect chance for him to cultivate hatred."

Shtal knew what was coming. Within a month at the earliest, or six months at the latest, Serbia would inevitably boil over.

"So, what are Great Britain's desired terms for this negotiation?" Shtal asked.

"Naturally, the complete independence of Albania. Albania must be liberated from the territories currently occupied by Serbia."

"Not a bad proposal. However, what if we leave the remaining Albanian territory under the control of the Ottoman Empire?"

"Hmm... I shall take that into consideration."

Shtal had ‍‍‌‌⁠​​⁠‌​​‍​​‍​‌​⁠‍‌‍⁠⁠‌⁠‌‍‌‍‌‌‌‍⁠​‌​‌​‌‍‌‌‌⁠‍​​‌‍⁠‌‌⁠⁠already promised the Ottomans that he would secure Albanian territory for them. For Britain, this was not a terrible deal either. After all, Britain had learned the hard way during this crisis that the more independent nations there were in the Balkans, the more chaotic things became.

"Very well. I shall see you at the negotiating table, Sir Cartwright."

"I only hope the Russian Empire does not make too much of a scene."

"Serbia is a sore spot for Russia as well. They will likely want to wrap this up as smoothly as possible."

And so, the negotiations proceeded with remarkable speed.

Of course, Serbia's input was completely absent from these terms. Not that their opinions would have been accommodated even if they had participated.

Chancellor Apis, Shtal thought. What will you do now? I have baited you this much; surely it is time for you to make your move.

Serbia was a fiercely nationalistic country. Having the fate of their nation decided by neighboring great powers would undoubtedly drive them mad with rage. Naturally, Shtal also had to complete his final preparations for war before Serbia took action.

War made all things possible. There was a reason dictators constantly manufactured war crises for their citizens.

Because under the pretext of a wartime emergency, you can get away with the most absurd things!

When war broke out, actions that would be unimaginable in peacetime suddenly became feasible. For instance, nationalizing key industries such as steel, ammunition, chemicals, railways, mining, and agriculture. Or forcibly requisitioning materials necessary for the war effort. Or conscripting labor at the state's whim.

Of course, this was the sort of thing the Soviet Union did on a daily basis, but even democratic nations could run a planned economy under the pressure of war. Shtal sat down with Viktor Adler to discuss the draft of the Wartime Mobilization Act.

"Representative Adler, this Great War will be our greatest opportunity," Shtal said.

"Yes, Representative Shtal. But in what sense...?"

"I plan to use the state of emergency as a pretext to completely restructure the national economy."

Indeed, Shtal intended to use the war to introduce a Soviet-style planned economy. Once the populace experienced this new system under the guise of an emergency and grew accustomed to it, further reforms would be much easier to implement. In fact, a socialist system capable of such total mobilization might be the political structure best suited for total war. However, a nagging thought lingered in his mind.

Man, the Soviet Union ruined itself doing exactly this. Is it really okay to go down this path?

Right now, he had the power to turn the empire into a carbon copy of the Soviet Union. But the reason he had championed Stahlism instead of traditional socialism and avoided radical reforms until now was simple: he had seen the future. He knew exactly how the Soviet Union had collapsed. That was why he had spent so much time searching for an alternative.

The Wartime Mobilization Act would dictate the empire's economic structure long after the war ended. It required the utmost caution. As if sensing his anxiety, Viktor Adler spoke up.

"In any case, our foundation is built on democracy. If you transition the state into such a rigid planned economy, Representative Shtal, it will inevitably..."

"Yes, you are correct. It would inevitably devolve into a dictatorship ruled by bureaucrats and elites."

People often attributed the collapse of the Soviet Union to the idea that a socialist economic system stripped workers of their motivation to work hard. Shtal believed that view was entirely wrong. Soviet workers had worked harder than those in almost any other ‍‍‌‌⁠​​⁠‌​​‍​​‍​‌​⁠‍‌‍⁠⁠‌⁠‌‍‌‍‌‌‌‍⁠​‌​‌​‌‍‌‌‌⁠‍​​‌‍⁠‌‌⁠⁠country; after all, failing ‍‍‌‌⁠​​⁠‌​​‍​​‍​‌​⁠‍‌‍⁠⁠‌⁠‌‍‌‍‌‌‌‍⁠​‌​‌​‌‍‌‌‌⁠‍​​‌‍⁠‌‌⁠⁠to do so meant being branded an enemy of the revolution and sent to the Gulag. The real problem lay in the complacency of the bureaucrats who had become dictators. Without proper compromise, checks and balances, oversight, and competition, power inevitably stagnated and corrupted.

"Therefore, our new Austro-Hungarian socialism must incorporate compromise, checks and balances, oversight, and competition," Shtal explained.

"Hmm..."

"Once we enter a state of war, we must co-opt the capitalists into the bureaucratic class."

"Into the bureaucratic class?"

"Yes. We guarantee their exclusive rights to their factories, but in exchange, they must cooperate with the war effort and state policies."

"So the capitalists would no longer be the absolute owners of their factories, but..."

"Exactly. They will become managers of the factories, appointed by the state."

This preserved the core of the mobilization act. The first alternative was to integrate the capitalists into the state apparatus.

"Furthermore, the state will only dictate the targets, specifications, and deadlines. All other matters regarding production will be decided by the private sector."

Second, to mitigate the rigidity of a planned economy, the state would only handle the "planning." The actual execution of those plans would be left entirely to the autonomy of each cooperative.

"Finally, to control capital, the state will send auditors to keep them in check."

Third, to ensure that autonomy did not lead to exploitation, the state would maintain constant oversight and checks across all industries, much like political commissars.

Would it work? Ultimately, a roadmap was just a roadmap. No one could predict how the geopolitical landscape would shift after the Great War. Nevertheless, the blueprint for the Wartime Mobilization Act and the overarching economic reforms was now complete.

Shtal had Viktor Adler introduce the Wartime Mobilization Act to parliament. In peacetime, even with the Social Democratic Workers' Party holding an overwhelming majority, such a bill would have faced fierce opposition and failed to even be tabled. Even moderate social democrats would have revolted. But this was a semi-wartime environment.

"The threat of war from Serbia, who dare call themselves Yugoslavia, is right at our doorstep! Even a child can see what they are planning!" Adler declared before parliament.

"...Even so, isn't this going too far? This is blatant socialism!" an opposition member protested.

"Haha, not at all. This is merely a mobilization act for total war. I give you my word! Once the war is over, we will return to our normal system!"

Naturally, that was a lie. Regardless, the preparations for war were complete. Now, all they had to do was wait for Serbia to make a reckless move. What would they do? Would they cross the Bosnian border without a declaration of war and attack the Agricultural Cooperative?

Despite exhausting most of its national strength, Serbia had failed to secure a victory. To make matters worse, they were forced to cough up the Albanian territory they had seized from the Ottomans.

Simply throwing dissenters into concentration camps to foster an atmosphere of terror—as Apis usually did—was no longer enough. Even his most die-hard nationalist supporters were on the verge of turning their backs on him. What was he to do?

But a true politician always found opportunity in a crisis. When it came to demagoguery and fabrication, Apis was second to none. He decided to face the ‍‍‌‌⁠​​⁠‌​​‍​​‍​‌​⁠‍‌‍⁠⁠‌⁠‌‍‌‍‌‌‌‍⁠​‌​‌​‌‍‌‌‌⁠‍​​‌‍⁠‌‌⁠⁠crisis head-on.

"But isn't it true that we lacked the capacity to keep fighting?!" someone in the crowd shouted.

He redirected the blame outward, cultivating hatred. Of course, every single word of it was utter nonsense. If Austria-Hungary had not intervened, could Serbia have actually won? The real problem would have been if they actually did win, as they would have drawn the ire of the entire world. Serbia should have been truly grateful that nuclear weapons had not been developed in 1913.

Regardless, Chancellor Apis succeeded in using the defeat to secure an unprecedented, absolute grip on power.

Stirred by Apis's demagoguery, the public was once again filled with rage, hatred, and a deep-seated inferiority complex. Having bought himself one last chance, Chancellor Apis had to act before the public cooled down and dragged him from his pedestal.

"It is time... to initiate Operation Guillotine."

"You mean that operation, Chancellor?"

Though Apis's personal charisma had managed to rouse the Serbian populace, Serbia remained a flickering candle in the wind. Their national strength had deteriorated to the point where the state could barely function, and they had spilled oceans of blood in a war that yielded absolutely nothing. How could they make up for such losses?

Even among the moderate bureaucrats, the consensus was growing: their only way out was to follow Chancellor Apis's reckless gamble and wage another war to secure a victory. Whether they went down this way or that, Serbia was doomed regardless. If so, wasn't it worth risking the nation's fate on one final roll of the dice?

And so, Operation Guillotine—a massive, unprecedented assassination plot targeting everyone from the Kaiser to Shtal—was set into motion!