The Red Reformer's Choice
Meeting Viktor Adler, the leader of the Social Democratic Workers' Party (SDAP), was not difficult.
"Are you not Director Stahl, the mastermind behind the Stahl-Ferdinand Model? I have wanted to meet you at least once."
"I figured our paths would cross eventually."
"I, too, wished to learn from you. How on earth did you come up with such a model?"
Viktor Adler and I exchanged pleasantries, chatting about hunting, penicillin, and various other trivial matters. Throughout our conversation, Adler remained perfectly polite, yet I couldn't shake the feeling that he had drawn an invisible line between us. Every time I tried to steer the conversation toward the main point, he skillfully deflected.
"The lottery business was the key. Recently, because of the immense pressure from Karl Lueger's faction..."
"Ah, the lottery! A wonderful venture indeed! By the way, when do you expect the mass production of penicillin to be fully realized?"
"It would be ideal to distribute penicillin free of charge. However, production capacity is currently limited, which is why the lottery business was so crucial."
"I see... Aside from the lottery, are there any other technologies you possess that could improve the welfare of the common people?"
"..."
Adler was clearly trying his best to dodge the subject, as if he could see right through my intentions. When I finally let my brow furrow in irritation, he let out a heavy sigh.
"The Social Democratic Workers' Party cannot help you."
"Even though your current focus is on securing universal suffrage, isn't the ultimate goal of the SDAP to realize a democratic socialist state? Why on earth not?"
"Because universal suffrage is our most critical task right now. You have the Archduke standing right behind you, Director. Meanwhile, the lifeblood of our party consists of staunch republicans."
Regardless of the Archduke's actual intentions, he was, at the end of the day, the ultimate symbol of feudal authority. And the public perception surrounding Archduke Franz Ferdinand wasn't entirely baseless prejudice. He had suffered from severe depression due to the complications surrounding his marriage to Sophie. At his lowest, his despair was so profound that he had contemplated tearing down the imperial court and even toyed with republicanism. Yet, in truth, the Archduke was a federalist, far removed from a true liberal. Although his association with me had nudged him toward liberal and social-democratic tendencies, he was still the man destined to become Emperor.
"Therefore, even if you wish to walk the same path as us, Director Marx Stahl, please understand that we cannot even allow you to join our party."
It wasn't an unreasonable stance. Had I been in his shoes, I would have made the exact same choice. Why bother with an Archduke when you could sweep away the wretched imperial court and the aristocracy to launch a republican revolution? However...
"I completely understand your perspective, Chairman."
"I am sorry we cannot be of assistance."
"Tell me, does the SDAP dream of achieving socialism through violence?"
"...I am not entirely sure what you intend by that question. Our party absolutely opposes revolution through violence, terror, or any other radical means."
Of course they did. In neighboring Germany, even though the Social Democratic Party—the orthodox heirs of Marxism—was drifting further to the right, they still harbored plenty of radical revolutionaries. In contrast, the Austrian SDAP had long advocated for reform through parliamentary participation.
"Karl Marx argued that even if universal suffrage is achieved, it means nothing unless the class structure itself is dismantled. He also claimed that parliamentary democracy is not a tool for revolution, but merely a reactionary plot to assimilate the working class into capitalism."
"Your understanding of socialism is deeper than I expected. But I disagree with that particular argument."
"I know exactly what the SDAP is thinking."
Orthodox socialism flatly rejected parliamentary democracy, viewing it as nothing more than a scrap thrown by the capitalists to pacify the working class. But...
"And I agree with the SDAP's approach."
I had witnessed the future thirty years from now. I knew the terrifying power of parliamentary democracy. The Nazis had seized power through the parliament, only to pull down its shutters once they were inside. The potential of a well-mobilized electorate was limitless.
"Even if parliament is a tool of the ruling class, that is precisely why we have a duty to seize control of it."
"Exactly."
"To do that, you need votes. A lot of them. Regrettably, under the current electoral system, the SDAP is doomed to remain a permanent opposition party."
"..."
From my perspective, the SDAP was still too idealistic. The abolition of private ownership of the means of production, class liberation, the overthrow of capitalism—they were all mirages. In about twenty years, the socialist revolution would erupt in Russia, and leftists worldwide would lose their minds in excitement. But to me, those ideals were nothing but empty talk. Even the Soviet Union would only last about eighty years before collapsing.
"What we need is not a 'revolution,' but a 'campaign.' We must shorten working hours, guarantee social insurance, and provide free healthcare and education. Class consciousness only matters when people have enough to eat."
Viktor Adler's eyes sharpened.
"One day, His Imperial Highness Archduke Franz Ferdinand and your party might become bitter rivals. But to be perfectly frank, the SDAP cannot match even a fraction of the Archduke's authority. You know this, don't you?"
"...What is it you want?"
"Join hands with us. Improve the welfare of the working class through the labor movement. Secure the imperial family as your ally, and use them to dominate parliament."
I pressed on without giving him room to interrupt.
"Let us tenfold the number of workers who can actually afford a decent living. Even if half of them end up supporting the imperial family, the other half will support your party."
"But Director Stahl, I understand your intentions. My question is, what are the intentions of the Archduke standing behind you?"
As expected, old habits die hard. To maintain their ideological hegemony, they had to paint the imperial family and the Emperor as mere oppressors and tyrants. It wasn't wrong. From the perspective of political engineering, it was the correct move, and anyone who understood politics would do the same. But conversely, they were overlooking a fundamental truth that no seasoned politician should ever ignore.
"The ultimate dream of every Kaiser—indeed, of anyone who holds power—is not absolute control. Control is merely a tool, a side effect. The true objective is the boundless love of the masses. To become a living god. The Kaiser is no different."
"I... I cannot agree with that assertion."
"That is because you have never won an election. There is a reason why idealistic revolutionaries end up becoming tyrants like Robespierre. They become addicted to that boundless adoration. Just as an opium addict will kill for another fix, rulers will do anything to maintain that love."
Viktor Adler took a deep, trembling breath at my declaration, which bordered on a verbal assault.
"At any rate, think it over."
From the perspective of Viktor Adler, the leader of the SDAP, it was a proposal he could simply reject. After all, in the original timeline, the SDAP would eventually form a coalition with the Christian Social Party after the war and become the largest party in parliament. Austrian politics was truly absurd. Considering even the Nazis called themselves National 'Socialists,' perhaps it wasn't so surprising. The only problem was that Viktor Adler had no way of knowing the future.
"There is no place for the imperial family and the nobility in the twentieth century. Society will inevitably progress, and just as we saw in France and Britain, we will transition to a constitutional monarchy or a republic in one way or another. That is what Marx prophesied."
Adler knew this for certain. No, let me correct myself. He believed it with absolute certainty. However, as a nationalist at heart, Adler's faith was far weaker than that of radical revolutionaries like Germany's Rosa Luxemburg. Was that not why he had endured being called a traitor to the revolution, gradually steering the SDAP away from pure socialism and toward a democratic reformist party?
"Will the Kaiser really lose power? Truly?" The established authority, the ancien régime, would not crumble so easily. Furthermore, a clever royal like Franz Ferdinand was already adapting with terrifying speed, encroaching upon the socialists' own territory: working-class welfare.
"Perhaps I was wrong." If they were both advocating for social welfare, who would do a better job? A permanent opposition party like the SDAP, which had neither money nor influence? Or a Kaiser backed by the immense wealth and power of the state? They didn't even have the confidence to win a populist bidding war against the Christian Social Party.
Therefore, a reformist force like the SDAP had only two choices. First, form a strategic alliance with the establishment, just as the Christian Social Party had done. Second, champion radical policies that the establishment could never even dream of replicating. Only by fulfilling one of these conditions could they hope to stand on equal footing with the imperial family and other political factions. And...
"We have already abandoned the path of violent revolution. Since we chose to survive within the parliament rather than be executed as red rebels..." Since they had already chosen the path of pragmatic survival, only one option remained.
With that resolve, Viktor Adler adjusted his suit and walked into the party headquarters. The moment he stepped inside, he dropped a bombshell. The shockwave was immense.
"You want us to become... the Kaiser's lackeys?!"
"Have you lost your mind?! I knew something was wrong when you started pushing for that absurd universal suffrage!"
"Marx was right! The parliament is nothing but a shackle to tame the working class!"
"I am leaving the party immediately! Do whatever you want!"
Naturally, the radicals—the orthodox socialists and republicans—flew into a frenzy, shouting in outrage.
"Then how long do you expect us to remain a miserable opposition party?!"
"The vulgar Christian Social Party is on the verge of swallowing Austria whole!"
"Look at the Stahl-Ferdinand Model! The Archduke is a federalist, and he might even be a socialist at heart!"
"The Archduke is the most progressive figure in the entire imperial family. Why can't we follow the British model?"
Conversely, the moderates, pragmatists, social democrats, and constitutional monarchists rose to defend the Stahl-Ferdinand faction.
It was a mess either way. Even the Soviet Communist Party, which was supposed to lead the revolution with one mind, had fractured into bitter factions under Trotsky, Bukharin, and Stalin. A left-wing big-tent party naturally gathered a chaotic crowd. Broadly, they were divided into liberals, republicans, and socialists. But the sub-factions were endless. Should they pursue a constitutional monarchy or a republic? Focus on welfare reform or push for a total revolution? Reject nationalism entirely or embrace a federalist system? Naturally, they split into factions, arguing heatedly until the party was divided almost exactly down the middle between radicals and moderates. The final decision rested solely on Viktor Adler. And...
"Just as that young man, Marx Stahl, said... we will seize parliament with righteousness on our side. There is no other way." As Viktor Adler stood up, every member in the room fell silent, staring at him. This was the moment that would define the very identity of the SDAP.
"Is there any comrade here who rejects parliament and wishes to achieve socialism through violent revolution? I trust there is none. If there were, you would have left the party long ago."
Of course, that wasn't entirely true. For Austrian revolutionaries, the only places they could go to pursue their ideals were their own homes or the SDAP.
"We believe in the power of parliament and the right to vote. We may differ on what to do with that parliamentary power, but our ultimate goal remains the same: to secure overwhelming support from the masses and solidify our seats in parliament."
Every ruler dreams of eternal adoration. Whether they were a Kaiser, a president, or a general secretary, this truth remained absolute. In that sense, because they had to compete for the love of the masses, all politicians were enemies. Yet, that very desire to be loved could also make them allies.
"We enjoy the support of the working class, the largest demographic in the nation. Thanks to them, we could permanently remain the majority party in parliament. However, the path to achieving that has been far too treacherous."
But perhaps there was a breakthrough. Take, for instance, the dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan. They maintained an overwhelming advantage in a multi-party system through three factors: first, securing the support of the majority; second, leveraging the remnants of a long-standing class society; and third, exploiting the political apathy of the public. Viktor Adler, the leader of the Austrian SDAP, grasped this concept with an almost animalistic instinct and resolved to actively exploit the existing social hierarchy.
"Therefore, we will adopt the Stahl-Ferdinand Model as our official party platform. The Stahl-Ferdinand Model is the single best method to reclaim the economic rights of workers and expand our political influence."
In short, the SDAP had chosen to form a strategic alliance with Marx Stahl.