The Night of the Long Knives (2)
The authority of absolute monarchs had steadily declined since the twentieth century, save for a few nations in the Arab world. Even there, royal authority had waned for a time as strongmen seized power in countries like Iran, Iraq, Egypt, and Libya. Yet Archduke Franz Ferdinand was different. He had claimed he would abandon the monarchy in step with the times. No matter how much of a show it was, he had half-genuinely desired to abdicate. But the entire nation had united to demand his ascension. Under such circumstances, how could his royal authority possibly be weak?
With the Hungarian parliament's approval of the Kaiser's ascension secured and the coronation schedule set, Shtal immediately set about defining the monarch's role within the empire, exactly as they had previously discussed.
"The traitor Hötzendorf actually made a fair point," Shtal declared. "The monarch is not the owner of state sovereignty. I explicitly declare that the true owner of state sovereignty is, without a doubt, the people. Therefore, to prevent such issues from arising in the future, parliament must insert relevant clauses into the constitution."
First, he made it clear that sovereignty resided with the people. After all, it was the exaggeration of this very issue that had sparked the republican debate in the first place.
"However, the issue we must focus on is 'sovereignty' itself. Sovereignty is a type of right, a part of a contract. And that sovereignty is symbolized by the entity known as the 'Kaiser.' Just as Christ is the symbol of the covenant between divinity and humanity, the Kaiser is the symbol of the contract between the people and their sovereignty."
Ultimately, while the Kaiser was a "symbol," comparing him to Christ prevented any loss of imperial authority. The Kaiser was both the contract itself and a party to it. It was from this that his authority flowed. An empire without a Kaiser could not exist.
"Therefore, the Kaiser represents the sovereignty owned by the people. As a party to the contract, the Kaiser has the right to oversee and intervene in the overall execution of that contract."
The core of what Shtal wanted to say was encapsulated in his final point. In this new era, with the Kaiser's role and definition newly established, what role would the monarch practically play?
Previously, the Kaiser had been the practical executor of sovereignty. Now, he had become the symbol of sovereignty and its guardian. Thus, only one role remained for him.
"By virtue of the Kaiser's rights as a contracting party, he has the right and duty to judge whether the ideal social values pursued by the state—such as human rights, the governing structure, and social systems—are being properly applied in reality. In other words, the Kaiser's role is to block any exercise of power that violates these ideal values."
Shtal defined the Kaiser's role using the complex jargon typical of a philosophy undergraduate turned politician. Though convoluted, the role could be summarized quite simply: a constitutional court with investigative powers. If anyone attempted to abandon the most fundamental social values, the Kaiser would stop them.
Previously, the monarch had been the head of the executive branch, but that role had shifted to parliament and the cabinet since the advent of constitutional monarchies. Consequently, in Great Britain, virtually the founder of the constitutional monarchy, the sovereign had become a mere "totem" symbolizing national unity. However, the Kaiser of the Austro-Hungarian Empire would not stop at being a totem. He would become a high priest who actively protected the state system and strove for national integration.
Why, then, did Shtal go to such lengths to explain these dry, tedious details?
"In the near future, these details will be approved by each parliament and reflected in the imperial constitution. And to practically define His Imperial Majesty's newly established role, an institution called the Imperial Integration National Assembly will be launched, with His Imperial Majesty serving as its chairman. The role of the Imperial Integration National Assembly is..."
It was to create an institution with a name as formidable as the Imperial Integration National Assembly! Naturally, it was designed to prevent the rise of terrifying villains who threatened the peace of the empire, starting with Hötzendorf.
Of course, compared to its imposing name, its actual authority was not all that extensive. It was similar to how a board of audit possesses the immense power to inspect all administrative agencies, yet has relatively little it can actually do with that power. Fearing the potential side effects of absolute monarchy, Shtal had kept the scale of the institution small.
For the National Assembly to act, it had to mobilize actual personnel from the police, the prosecution, and the Agricultural Cooperative's audit team. However, at the very least, it was perfectly suited for hunting down traitors like Hötzendorf. With immense influence despite its lack of direct executive authority, it was the perfect compromise between a constitutional monarchy and an absolute one.
And finally...! Shtal was set to step down from his position as company president to be elected as the Vice Chairman of the National Assembly.
"Furthermore, the first order of business for the Imperial Integration National Assembly will begin with an investigation into General Hötzendorf, who has plotted to divide the empire."
All the buildup was complete. At last, Shtal and Ferdinand II had established a legal foundation to purge Hötzendorf with the full backing of the public.
"In light of the allegations of rebellion against Hötzendorf, his position as Chief of the General Staff will be temporarily suspended by the authority of the National Assembly. This is only temporary. Should he be cleared of all charges, General Hötzendorf will be fully reinstated. Therefore, please do not worry and cooperate with the investigation!"
Meanwhile, at that very moment, Hötzendorf was also moving quickly.
"Ha, the Imperial Integration National Assembly? What a joke, pulling stunts like this when they don't even have a proper building yet."
It was obvious what kind of forces the Imperial Integration National Assembly could mobilize. To prevent the rise of an omnipotent dictatorship, Shtal had placed strict limits on the size of the forces the National Assembly could deploy and the procedures required to do so. Consequently, the only force Shtal could immediately mobilize was the Agricultural Association Revolutionary Guard of Austria, which, unlike other cooperatives, functioned essentially as an investigative body.
Moreover, it was not even an institution properly established by law yet. Its only legal basis was a unilateral interpretation of the Kaiser's authority.
"We will mobilize five thousand of the most elite imperial troops to occupy three locations," Hötzendorf ordered. "First, Shtal's estate. Second, the Administrative Court. Third, the Constitutional Court."
First, they would capture Shtal. If that failed, capturing his family would suffice. Next would be the Administrative Court and the Constitutional Court. Since the Kaiser's coronation process was not yet complete, the National Assembly had not been properly formed. The Austro-Hungarian Empire was, after all, a developed nation that already possessed institutions for constitutional interpretation. The functions of the Constitutional Court had not yet been formally transferred to the National Assembly.
"Once we occupy the Constitutional Court and the Administrative Court, we will have them declare the Revolutionary Guard and the National Assembly unconstitutional and illegal. When that happens, won't the majority of Shtal's subordinates become nothing more than an illegal gang of thugs?"
On the surface, Shtal appeared to be the very definition of a dictator, pulling all the strings from the shadows. In truth, even Shtal would have found it hard to refute being called a dictator. But if one were to ask if Shtal was a true dictator, the answer was no. If he were a real dictator, deploying a hundred thousand troops to Vienna to bury Hötzendorf would have been as easy as pie.
"You... took me far too lightly, Shtal."
Yet Shtal's greatest strength, as well as his greatest weakness, lay in his caution. He refused to move unless every single condition—legality, public support, justification, and the backing of other Great Powers—was perfectly aligned. A politician who weighed all these factors was a democratic leader, not a dictator.
Hötzendorf adjusted his uniform before stepping out to face his troops. In a coup, secrecy and mobility were paramount, requiring a small, elite force. But there was one overlooked fact: secrecy and mobility were not the only things that mattered. For at least a week, the coup forces needed to be so thoroughly intoxicated by their own righteousness that they couldn't tell left from right. Therefore, looking the part was also crucial.
"...You were the conquerors of Rome, the home of Europeans for thousands of years, from the Roman Empire to the Vatican. You are the heroes who risked your lives to save the empire, the absolute elite of the imperial army. Am I right?"
"Yes, General!"
"But... the empire you fought so hard to save is once again in grave danger."
Hötzendorf addressed the imperial soldiers with a somber expression.
"Those bastards in the Revolutionary Guard have launched a rebellion."
"...That's... impossible!"
A junior officer of the imperial army cried out, unable to contain his shock.
Hötzendorf replied as if he had been waiting for that exact question.
"Indeed... the Revolutionary Guard were once our good comrades-in-arms. But it goes without saying that, unlike the imperial army, they are not a legitimate military force by birth."
"..."
"At first, they were nothing more than a militia, a mob of rioters that could hardly be called an army. The late Kaiser generously tolerated their existence. But look at them now. Using the war as an opportunity, the Revolutionary Guard has expanded endlessly. They have built an invincible army entirely separate from the state. Who is to say they wouldn't harbor treasonous ambitions? They have grown so massive they could swallow the nation whole."
Hötzendorf's spiteful demagoguery was remarkably plausible. The commander-in-chief of the imperial, Austrian, and Hungarian armies was the Kaiser. Without the Kaiser's authorization, the military could do nothing. If Archduke Franz Ferdinand had ascended smoothly as Ferdinand II, Hötzendorf would have had no choice but to wash his neck and await his purge, let alone stage a coup. On the other hand, the Revolutionary Guard had started as an army independent of the Kaiser from the very beginning. The same went for the Agricultural Cooperative. Though by unwritten law and custom, both the cooperative and the Revolutionary Guard were technically part of the empire and answered to the Kaiser... wasn't such a promise a fragile thing that could be broken at any moment? Thus, the imperial soldiers, who had just returned to the country and had no grasp of the current domestic situation, had no choice but to fall for his words.
Once again, a junior officer shouted toward Hötzendorf, unable to contain his curiosity.
"Th-then, does that mean Chairman Shtal is also..."
"I, too, wish to believe he is not," Hötzendorf replied. "But... since the Revolutionary Guard of the Austrian Agricultural Cooperative has rebelled, Chairman Shtal must bear responsibility regardless. At the very least, we must move to secure his cooperation."
Believing Hötzendorf's lies, the mood among the imperial soldiers instantly turned as grim as a funeral. Hötzendorf shouted to drive the final nail in the coffin.
Hötzendorf was certainly a true soldier. It had been mentioned before that he might be better suited as a minister of defense rather than a Chief of the General Staff. But his talents lay elsewhere as well. Had he been a corps-level command sergeant major or a field officer in direct contact with the soldiers, the evaluation of him might have been entirely different. Considering the sheer theatricality of his performance before the coup, he would have made an excellent politician as well.
In any case, hearing Hötzendorf's highly convincing speech, the soldiers were instantly whipped into a furious frenzy. Some were enraged at the thought of the empire collapsing so futilely to treason... while others were desperate to save Chairman Shtal. They prepared themselves to attack their own nation's Constitutional Court and Administrative Court.
Of course, the truth would eventually come to light. But in such a critical situation, by the time the truth was revealed, it would already be too late.
They will be furious at being deceived... but by then, they will realize they have already actively participated in a rebellion. Once they realize that, controlling them will be even easier.
The cautious Shtal, once victorious, would burn his enemies down to the very roots. Just as he had dismantled Apis's psyche before frying him in the electric chair, or partitioned pizza-loving Italy into five slices like a pizza.
Whether the truth was revealed or not, the rebels were ready for battle.
"Now, move out! To save the empire!"
"Whooooaaa!"
"Long live the Empire!"