Token of the Covenant
The Hungarian parliament had essentially become nothing more than a rubber-stamp institution. Although they kept it around to maintain the outward appearance of a functioning state, it was a hollow shell.
"Wait, yesterday was the Hungarian general election?"
"Who on earth would even remember that?"
"More importantly, when is the next **Cooperative Leader** election?"
"Unless it's the local Cooperative Leader election, nobody cares."
Except for a handful of people who disliked the **Hungarian Agricultural Cooperative**, absolutely no one paid attention to the parliamentary general elections. Consequently, the Hungarian general election was less about choosing lawmakers to draft legislation and more akin to a public opinion poll asking, "Do you oppose the Hungarian Agricultural Cooperative?"
The voter turnout in the most recent general election was a mere five percent! This didn't mean a single candidate received five percent of the vote; it meant only five percent of all eligible Hungarian voters actually cast a ballot. Of course, it met every single legal requirement to function as a parliament, but...
If a parliament with a five percent turnout tried to pass any real measures, massive protests would erupt instantly. Besides, even if they went through the trouble of drafting laws, there was no way the citizens of Hungary would ever obey them.
Yet, after a long dormancy, this very parliament had finally found a purpose.
"A motion has been tabled regarding Archduke Franz Ferdinand's accession to the Hungarian throne."
"...What is there for us to do? Don't we have no choice but to approve it?"
"How can we call ourselves a democratic nation if this is how things are!"
"Sigh..."
The members of the Hungarian parliament gathered in hushed circles, whispering that democracy had collapsed. However, putting aside the fact that Cooperative Leader Hitler's approval rating hovered near ninety-eight percent, there was actually no place on the European continent where democracy functioned as smoothly as in Hungary. The executive branch's role was fulfilled by the Cooperative Leader elections, while the legislative branch's role was handled by the executive board elections.
"...No. We are fully capable of blocking the Austrian Kaiser from ascending to the throne of Hungary."
So declared István, the Prime Minister of the Hungarian parliament, who had been elected with that five percent turnout. Though the turnout was five percent, his personal share of the vote was ninety-five percent! Within the halls of parliament, he possessed name recognition rivaling Hitler's. Of course, the vast majority of Hungarian citizens had either never heard his name, or would react with, "Wait, is that guy still alive?"
"Prime Minister, are you certain? If we pull a stunt like that, what do you think the Cooperative will do to us?"
"I am certain. The Cooperative has absolutely no legal authority over the appointment of the King of Hungary."
"Having authority and having power are two entirely different things. Needless to say, the latter is far stronger."
"That is precisely why I am making this proposal. Do you wish to remain impoverished and pathetic forever, living off the meager pensions thrown to this parliament?"
"..."
Indeed. For a Hungarian parliament stripped of even its budgetary authority, only one final vestige of power remained: the *symbol of Hungarian legitimacy*. The parliament was the sole institution that could declare to the international community, "We are the legitimate government," thereby conferring official justification. Without that single role, the parliament would have been swept away long ago on charges of treason.
"The moral high ground is on our side as well."
"Indeed. Republicanism, after all."
"Of course... let us not openly oppose the Austrian Kaiser's accession to the Hungarian throne. We must preserve our own lives, must we not?"
"Then our only option is to drag our feet and express our tacit opposition by stalling for time."
"Exactly. Now, who wants to go on a long-overdue vacation?"
Every single member raised their hand. Seventy percent of the Hungarian MPs now planned to depart for a relaxing retreat at the beautiful hot springs of Czechia. With more than half of the parliament on vacation, there was no one left to approve the accession, let alone organize the coronation. Thus, the conservative MPs who opposed **Stahlism** began to rally under the banner of republicanism. The most reactionary figures shouting for the most radical republicanism—it was a supreme irony, but then again, wasn't that just politics?
With the Hungarian parliament throwing such a tantrum, the one put in the most awkward position was Hitler. Of course, if Hitler chose to exert raw force, he could easily crush them, but... the way things were developing was highly unusual.
"This debate... will undoubtedly drag us down indefinitely."
Hitler was also on the side of supporting the Kaiser. Archduke Franz Ferdinand and Shtal shared an inseparable bond. If Shtal were to cast the Archduke aside like a worn-out shoe, then Hitler and Stalin would surely be discarded just as easily.
"Do you know why I remain by Vice Chairman Shtal's side?"
"Why is that, sir?"
"Vice Chairman Shtal... never abandons his people. In fact, Stahlism itself was perfected upon that very foundation."
Hitler's perception of Stahlism was starkly different from that of theorists like Lenin or Stalin. Archduke Franz Ferdinand, Hitler, Shtal, Freud, and Chairman Wittgenstein. As the five individuals who had been with Shtal since the very beginning, their emotional connection to Stahlism was bound to be unique.
"Since the days when I barely had any hair on my lip, Vice Chairman Shtal and I have walked this path together. And... Stahlism is an amateurish ideology we crafted to protect one another, almost like some university club. No wonder the theorists get such headaches trying to analyze it, don't you think?"
Stahlism was something Vice Chairman Shtal had created to protect his own. If they did not protect Archduke Franz Ferdinand, then Stahlism itself would cease to exist.
"Cooperative Leader Hitler, how will you act then?"
"Shtal summoned Ludwig Wittgenstein and Stalin to Prague, didn't he? If so... he is undoubtedly building a justification."
Blindly supporting the Kaiser would surely trigger a massive backlash. No matter how sky-high Archduke Franz Ferdinand's popularity was within Austria, Stahlism—this once-mysterious ideology—now supported the entire empire and was spreading across the globe. A single misstep could bring everything crashing down.
Stalin, who was now in the final stages of land reform. Tito, a Stahlism fanatic who had worked tirelessly to normalize the **Sicily Agricultural Cooperative**. Ludwig Wittgenstein, the most promising philosopher of our era. And myself. Honestly, if we were talking about theorists, Lenin and Freud would have been the most suited, but as they were occupied with major affairs in France, they unfortunately could not attend this meeting.
Stalin and Tito each voiced their opinions.
"...First, let me state Poland's position. The **Polish Agricultural Cooperative** has already completed its preparations to transition into a republic."
"The same goes for the Sicily Agricultural Cooperative. As for the **Bosnian Agricultural Cooperative**, support for Archduke Franz Ferdinand is so high that republican sentiment hasn't gained much traction there, but..."
Ultimately, within Austria, Archduke Franz Ferdinand's personal popularity was somehow keeping the republican sentiment at bay. The problem lay outside Austria. We could no longer afford to focus solely on the empire's internal affairs. How many satellite states had we already established? Sicily, Naples, Poland... And we also had to consider our ally, Germany.
I let out a sigh and spoke.
"Ludendorff... will also undoubtedly find the existence of a Kaiser uncomfortable."
Ludendorff, who had charged like a madman from Frankfurt to Belgium, was now reportedly racing toward Berlin. Wilhelm II would likely be abdicated, and Germany would transition into a republic. If that happened, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, who had ascended normally as Kaiser, would be constantly compared to Ludendorff. It would be a fatal blow to Ludendorff's legitimacy.
Wittgenstein synthesized our opinions and offered a conclusion.
"So, the crux of the matter... is that the issue lies outside Austria."
"Exactly, brother-in-law."
"Then the problem boils down to a single question: Does Stahlism possess international universality, or does it lean toward respecting regional customs?"
"To put it simply... is it diversity or universality?"
"Precisely."
Let's look at an example. Modern democracy, centered around the United States, places a high value on cultural diversity. As long as the basic framework of democracy is respected, a superpower has no right to interfere, regardless of what political system a nation adopts. Even this framework is highly elastic and easily stretched to suit their needs. As long as "universal human rights" and "formal democracy" are maintained, the United States turns a blind eye. After all, didn't America tolerate Chun Doo-hwan, personally establish dictatorships in South America, and leave absolute monarchies like Saudi Arabia completely alone?
The Soviet Union was the exact opposite. To them, history was fixed; therefore, Marxism had to be transplanted identically, regardless of local customs. In other words, they became a superpower by directly transplanting their revolutionary model, the dictatorship of the proletariat, and Soviet councils to various parts of the world. Surely, communists desired nothing less.
Wittgenstein continued to elaborate on the concepts of diversity and universality.
"In any case, we must resolve this tension between diversity and universality first, as it will provide the clue to settling the republican debate."
"Indeed. Because no matter what other Stahlists say, we can define the Kaiser as 'our own unique custom.'"
"Stahlism is an ideology that encompasses both diversity and universality. Just as many other great ideologies do."
If we emphasize diversity, it will naturally restrict us from invading other countries under the pretext of transplanting "democracy" or "communism," as the US and USSR did. It would also make it harder to police our allies by claiming they aren't practicing "true Stahlism." However...
"To begin with, I have no idea what is even happening in France or Germany."
France and Germany already shared only two core ideas: "workers autonomously manage the factories" and "factories belong to the public sphere." Beyond that, they were developing something bizarre and entirely different from our empire. Furthermore, look at the Sicily Agricultural Cooperative. That was practically a criminal republic, not a Stahlist one.
"Our Stahlism shall respect all political systems, excluding 'workers' self-governance', 'extreme nationalism', and 'the suppression of universal human rights.' Do you all agree?"
"I agree."
"I agree."
In an instant, the most fundamental tenets of Stahlism were established. Come to think of it, this was probably the first time we had ever sat down to formally debate the finer points of Stahlism. Next, Stalin offered his input.
"Be that as it may, now comes the time to persuade the republicans. What is the actual *raison d'être* of the Kaiser?"
I had already thought this through. I turned the question back to Stalin.
"To begin with, what is the concept of a king?"
"A ruler of a state, justified by feudal rights and bloodline."
"And how is that justified?"
"This kind of political-philosophical debate... gives me a headache."
"Is a king not the incarnation of state sovereignty, the physical manifestation of the abstract entity known as the state? Is he not a party to the social contract, to whom the citizens have delegated their sovereignty to avoid a state of perpetual war?"
"Indeed, he is."
Stalin, Wittgenstein, and Tito all nodded in agreement. I continued.
"A symbol of legitimacy. No matter the state of the government or the parliament, the legitimacy of the nation is sustained through the existence of the king. He is the focal point of the collective unconscious. Regardless of the culture, whether as a mythical hero, a defender of the faith, the father of the nation, the centerpiece of festivals, or a high priest... every diverse community develops its own unique culture, and it is the monarch who stands as the ultimate symbol of that culture."
Ludwig Wittgenstein, who had been listening quietly, summarized my words in a single sentence.
"A king... is truly nothing more than a 'symbol.'"
The sentimental Tito added to Wittgenstein's remark.
"...Perhaps 'incarnation' is a more fitting term."
"Exactly, Mr. Tito. Much like Jesus, who was the personification of the divine."
To summarize it in one word? The monarch is the symbol of everything: the contract between the state and its people, sovereignty, community spirit, history, and custom. Stalin muttered with a touch of sarcasm.
"To put it simply, a human contract."
"Precisely. Our contract was merely forged through the medium of the Kaiser and the Habsburgs. The Kaiser and the Habsburgs... are our very own token of the covenant."
For China, the token of the covenant was the Mandate of Heaven. For Japan, the Emperor. For Islam, the Quran and Sharia. For the Soviet Union, the Communist Party itself. For America and France, the Constitution. Witnessing the dawn of this new era, the young Tito murmured.
"The era where the monarch wielded absolute power... has truly come to an end."
"Indeed, Mr. Tito. After passing through ages of civilization, the king is finally returning to his primordial form: the high priest."