Entering the Reichstag
Frankfurt was enormous, to put it simply. Of course Essen was large too. As my hometown, Essen was certainly among the ten biggest cities in Germany. But while Essen carried the distinct air of a workers' city, crowded with factories and laborers, Frankfurt felt far more refined. And in truth, it probably was. Frankfurt had been a free imperial city since the days of the Holy Roman Empire, a hub where goods from every corner of the realm converged. It was, in every sense, the holy ground of capitalists—the very power I had sworn to dismantle. Yet here I was, stepping into that city to practice politics, armed with funds from my fellow workers and the Russian leadership. Honestly, my heart was not entirely at ease. While I stood here, my friends and the aunties and uncles were still toiling away in the factories. Things had improved since the establishment of constitutional government, but still...
“Aren’t you getting off?”
A station attendant approached while I hesitated.
“Ah! Yes, of course. Thank you.”
I reminded myself: the reason I was entering parliament was not to seize power for myself. My role was singular—to represent the voices of the workers and the majority. Reciting once more the phrase that had been the Russian Communist Party’s declaration of affiliation and the motto of our own German Communist Party, I stepped into the capitalists’ city.
The history of the Frankfurt Parliament began in 1848. After Napoleon’s fall, the Congress of Vienna sought to suppress revolution and restore absolute monarchy, but the revolutions that swept across Europe in 1848 brought that system crashing down. Germany established the Frankfurt Parliament that same year, attempting to achieve unification through a constitutional monarchy. Though the first Frankfurt Parliament collapsed when neither Austria nor Prussia—the two leading candidates for German unification—recognized it, the German states eventually unified in 1871 under Austrian leadership within the German Confederation, following France’s defeat in the war against the unification effort. Then, in 1919, after the Great War’s defeat, Emperor Karl I’s “Frankfurt Declaration” reestablished the Frankfurt Parliament, transferring full legislative authority to it. The Church of St. Paul in Frankfurt initially served as the assembly hall, but as the scale grew, a modern Reichstag building was constructed and parliament moved there. That did not mean Germany had become “democratic,” however—constitutionalized, perhaps, but not democratic.
“Abolish the unequal suffrage! Introduce equal voting rights!”
“Solve unemployment! Listen to the voice of the majority!”
Because the word “democracy”—the people’s voice—was nowhere reflected in practice. Everyone possessed the right to vote, yet voting power was weighted by property, so the ballots of nobles and capitalists were inherently overvalued while those of workers and the unemployed were undervalued. This disparity ensured the people’s voice never reached politics. Citizens remained trapped in the illusion of suffrage, forced to entrust their fate to a minority who knew nothing of the masses.
“You’re working hard so early in the morning.”
I approached the demonstrators who had set up a banner in front of the parliament building and handed out the bread I had bought earlier.
“Ah, thank you. You are...”
“Heinz. Emilia Heinz. I’ve just been elected to parliament for the first time.”
“Ah, Heinz! I’ve heard of you. You’re the leader of the Labour Party that split from the Communists, aren’t you?”
“That’s right! How did you know?”
They were an independent demonstration group with no direct ties to the Communist or Social Democratic parties, yet they knew of me despite my activities being largely confined to Essen, the Ruhr, and the Rhineland. They had seen me in Labour Party pamphlets that occasionally arrived alongside Communist propaganda. After all, the Communists remained the sole hope for the betrayed working class and the left after the Social Democrats’ betrayal, and since I had emerged from them, it was only natural they would recognize me.
“I’m truly glad to have left a good impression on the workers.”
“Good impression or not, the Communists and the Labour Party are the only alternative that can actually practice the democracy Germany only talks about. It’s not just the working class that needs you.”
The man who appeared to be their leader held out their sign to me.
“We are the ‘Student Federation for Democracy.’ A gathering of university students who wish to overthrow the capitalists and nobles clinging to the old powers and build a society where workers and everyone else are masters. We’re active mainly around Frankfurt University, so if you’re interested, please drop by!”
Ah, so they were university students.
“That’s wonderful. You are Germany’s future. I’ll do my utmost in parliament to ensure the voices of workers and the people are heard!”
It was rare to find university students who took such direct interest and participated in politics. Whether they merely wanted expanded labor rights and equal reforms or truly desired the workers’ revolution we envisioned, I couldn’t yet say. At least they weren’t supporting the right. It would be good if more intellectuals like them raised their voices for equality and democracy.
Waving to the demonstrators, I pushed through the crowd and entered the parliament building.
“You seem quite friendly with the protesters.”
Someone spoke to me as I walked down a long corridor.
“Friendly... rather, I’m here precisely to represent their voices. I mustn’t forget that.”
A politician’s power was not their own—it was the people’s power.
“Quite a sense of responsibility.”
“More than responsibility, it’s simply...”
The natural mindset any leftist ought to hold. Just as I was about to answer, a chill ran down my spine and I turned around. The bald man wearing glasses was staring at me with an intensely intimidating expression.
“...Who are you?”
He wasn’t a Communist. I had spent eleven years working exclusively within the Communist Party. Moreover, during the recent election campaign, I had met with all the Communist members of parliament, so there was no way I wouldn’t recognize his face.
“More than responsibility, it’s simply? I’d like to hear the rest.”
“Ah, no, I mean... it’s the mindset... that any leftist... ought to naturally possess.”
Upon hearing my answer, he gave a small nod as if something had clicked into place.
“Aha, so you’re the Labour Party member who secured one seat in alliance with the Communists this time?”
“Y-yes, that’s correct, but... who are you...?”
“And yet this member is so passionate. You’ll be quite the difficult opponent.”
Both his words and demeanor were extraordinarily cold. The glasses catching the light made him appear even colder.
“No, seriously, who exactly are you?”
Irritated by his continued evasiveness, I pressed him aggressively. Before I knew it, we had reached the main chamber doors together. He opened them.
“Congratulations on your election, Chancellor!”
The moment the doors opened, numerous men greeted him with bright smiles.
“Huh...?”
“Heinrich Brüning of the Centre Party. I look forward to working with you.”
So this man was Brüning... leader of the Centre Party and representative of the National Front elected in this election. In other words, the current Chancellor of Germany. Wait, what the hell... why had he spoken to me? Ah, so that was why he had called me “quite the difficult opponent.” Still dazed by his sudden appearance, I spotted Thälmann waving at me from the Communist seats and snapped back to my senses. What kind of first day was this?
“Heinz!”
At his call, I ran toward the far left of the chamber.
“Thälmann! Whew, this is dizzying.”
“First time in parliament altogether?”
“Yes, that’s right.”
“This place is dizzying by nature. It’s where those representing the interests of workers, the middle class, capitalists, and nobles all gather. You’ll get used to it in time.”
Thälmann guided me to my seat as he spoke.
“Your seat is here.”
It was at the outermost left edge of the circular chamber, right beside the Communist seats.
“...Here?”
Wasn’t this far too isolated?
“In a multi-party chamber like this, the arrangement inherently favors the center and disadvantages both the left and right. At least the German National People’s Party on the far right can throw their weight around with 101 seats. No matter how much we cooperate, this structure is fundamentally unfavorable to you as an independent single seat.”
“Still, this is really too much.”
Speaking from here... would anyone even hear me?
“This is where the capitalists’ power converges, so you’ll have to accept it. We’ll support you, so don’t worry.”
“Well... if you say so, Thälmann...”
It was an unexpected variable, but there was nothing to be done. This, too, was something I would have to navigate from now on.
“You were with the Centre Party Chancellor earlier. What was that about?”
“Ah, that man?”
The one who had suddenly asked if I was friendly with the demonstrators. Glancing to the right, I saw he had already ascended the Chancellor’s podium amid cheers from the National Front side.
“I don’t know. He suddenly approached me and asked if I was close with the people demonstrating outside...”
“Ah, those university students? From the right’s perspective, it must be infuriating that students at Germany’s finest university are only protesting. Nothing to worry about. Did you handle it well?”
“Probably...? He also said I’d be quite the difficult opponent.”
“The Chancellor said that? Good heavens!”
Thälmann placed a hand on my shoulder with a proud expression and laughed heartily.
“Yes, it’s only one seat. Let’s show them exactly how much a single seat can accomplish.”
Once all members had entered and the chamber doors closed, Thälmann returned to his own seat.
“All members, please take your seats.”
The presiding officer at the central podium spoke. It still didn’t feel real. As I sat down, my eyes met Wilhelm Pieck’s from the Communist seats. He smiled at me with a distinctly more fatherly expression than Thälmann’s. Come to think of it, Pieck had suggested we meet in Frankfurt next time. Perhaps that had been a hint...?
“On behalf of His Imperial Majesty Karl von Habsburg-Lothringen, I sincerely welcome all those taking their seats in this parliament. I am Paul Löbe, President of the German Reichstag.”
At least from this seat on the left, I had a clear view of the entire chamber. On the far left sat the Communists and Labour Party, then the Social Democrats further right, the three National Front parties in the center, various small right-wing parties beside them, and the German National People’s Party at the far right. I looked carefully, but there was no one I recognized. Even if I did know someone, they were too far away. Only Chancellor Brüning, whom I had just met, was identifiable.
“In accordance with tradition, the opening ceremony of the Fifth Reichstag shall be presided over by the Chancellor elected by the German people, Heinrich Brüning of the Centre Party.”
As the presiding officer finished, Brüning took the microphone.