Overthrow the Cabinet #6
“Emilia Heinz, Member of Parliament?”
Ah, how annoying.
“What is it?”
“You must disband this gathering. Under traffic regulations, you are obstructing pedestrian passage and conducting an unauthorized assembly.”
Several police officers approached, batons hanging at their waists. No matter how much pressure Brüning faced from every direction, he still held the absolute advantage of administrative power. Unlike the Nazis or the patriotic leagues, these men didn’t create problems directly. Instead, they tightened the noose around citizens’ necks using the rope of the legal code.
“This isn’t a gathering. Can’t people just talk among themselves? And since when has an unauthorized assembly been a punishable offense?”
“It satisfies the criteria for punishment under traffic regulations and statutes expanded by the Emergency Decree.”
“Obstructing traffic? There’s no such thing here.”
“That’s right. What kind of traffic obstruction is this? Let her speak!”
Thankfully, the citizens took my side.
“When more than a dozen people gather in one place to listen to a speech, that is not conversation—it is an assembly. This is clearly a political rally, and since it was not reported in advance, it is illegal. Fines will be imposed. Citizens, please disperse now.”
Fines. At most, they’d only amount to a few marks. But if they kept slapping on these petty penalties, they would eventually add up to something significant. It looked like they had changed their strategy.
“Boo! This is too much!”
“Too much or not, the law is the law.”
“Just a moment.”
So this was how they were going to play it?
“You said it was a traffic violation, correct? Obstructing passage?”
“That is correct.”
I shoved the few chairs we had brought into a corner with a clatter.
“How about now? We’re not obstructing passage anymore, are we?”
The officer let out a hollow laugh and said,
“If you continue like this, I will have no choice but to detain you for interfering with official duties.”
“That land belongs to me.”
From among the people who had gathered, murmuring to see what the commotion was about, a man in a suit stepped forward. Come to think of it, we were standing in front of a building. It wasn’t a large one—just a modest private property.
“Really? Would it be all right if we used this space?”
“Do as you please. I’m not using it anyway.”
What was this? A building owner, so a bourgeois? Did he not know who I was? Well, if he said we could use it, I would use it to the fullest.
“It’s private property. The freedom of assembly on private property isn’t restricted, is it? From here on, it shouldn’t count as a traffic violation, correct? In fact, this space is protected by law as ‘private property.’”
“Uh…”
Thanks to this fortunate and unexpected turn of events, the police couldn’t say a word. They simply withdrew.
“…Please be careful in the future.”
The confrontation with the police ended far more anticlimactically than I had expected. As the officers walked away powerless, the citizens who had been with me stared after them in disbelief.
“Now… where was I? That’s right. Small business owners, shopkeepers, and other ordinary citizens are not included in the category of bourgeoisie that we seek to overthrow. What we aim to do is dismantle the rentier class that profits without labor and return the world to those who actually work.”
“I have a question for you, Representative Heinz.”
The man who had claimed the building was his spoke up.
“Yes, please ask.”
“After your revolution, what happens to people like me who own buildings?”
“The distinction between bourgeoisie and proletariat is not made simply by whether one owns a building. Even if the building is in your name, if you are not extracting profit from the labor of others but earning income through your own direct labor, the situation is entirely different. The proletariat, broadly speaking, refers to the propertyless class—those who must labor to survive. What do you do for a living?”
“I left my job two years ago and bought this building with my savings, thinking I might run a small shop… but then the Depression hit. I haven’t made a single mark of profit. I can’t even recover my principal, and I’m stuck doing nothing.”
“Then how are you living now?”
“I do odd jobs here and there and live off the money I saved while working at the company… that’s all.”
He spoke with a rather exhausted expression.
“In short, you were once upper-middle class, but now you cannot earn money.”
“That’s right.”
“Is there anything you’re good at?”
“Anything I’m good at?”
He thought for a moment before answering.
“I’m not sure. When I worked at the company, I only did calculations.”
“I see. Then you simply need to find your place! In socialism, everyone can do the work they are good at and the work they want to do without worrying about their livelihood. Choosing what to do is entirely up to you. No one will force you into anything.”
“But what if everyone wants to do the jobs that require the least physical effort?”
“Will they really? Those jobs require quick thinking and strong arithmetic skills. Those who aren’t suited for them will naturally seek other paths. There is no notion that physical labor is lowly and mental labor is noble. There are plenty of jobs, and you can do whatever you want, whenever you want.”
“But what if I can’t do physical labor?”
“Is all physical labor necessarily difficult? There are countless types of work within it. Everyone contributes to society according to their abilities, working equally, and the fruits of that labor are distributed fairly to all.”
“…Your words still sound like empty illusions to me, Representative Heinz.”
“You may think so. But is your current life really better than a so-called failed one?”
“…”
“Look at Russia. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was born thirteen years ago amid the flames of the Great War. While we, Britain, and America were preoccupied with the conflict, Russia successfully transferred all power to the workers’ councils—the soviets—in every region. Today, they enjoy a standard of living and social welfare that would have been unimaginable during the days of the Romanov autocracy. Of course, Russia is not perfect. Because every worker and every citizen’s opinion must be reflected in government policy, it is indeed quite inefficient and decision-making is slow. But Russia is democratic. And its people live well.”
If he brought up the possibility of failure again, we already had the shield of a successful Russia.
“Revolution is not merely a question of what kind of work one does. It is a question of whether one will rule or be ruled. Under communism, regardless of what work you do, you can voice your opinion in the council, and it will be immediately reflected in policy.”
“…I see.”
“Of course, becoming extremely wealthy will be impossible. No one will be able to live far better than others. But no one will starve. At the very least, there will be no one who eats while others go hungry.”
“I’ve heard you well, Representative Heinz. I’ll think about it.”
And so I continued talking earnestly with passing citizens until the sun began to set, then returned to party headquarters.
“You’ve been busy lately, Heinz?”
When I returned to headquarters and began sorting through some papers, Thälmann asked.
“I am. Persuading the citizens takes priority over revolution itself.”
“Persuading them?”
“If you look at the precedent set by Luxemburg and Liebknecht, you’ll understand. A revolution without support is doomed to fail. We must do it like the October Revolution in Russia, which was accompanied by the boundless support of a people who did not want war. If Russia in 1917 had the war, today’s Germany has fascism and the Great Depression. We must make these starving and exhausted citizens sympathize with the revolution by any means necessary.”
Until now, I had thought that if we could persuade the Chancellor, the citizens would follow. But the Chancellor was stubborn. He had obstinately chosen his own path.
“How about working with the Red Revolutionary Front for the time being? There’s no telling when those National Socialist bastards might attack you.”
“That’s true, but the biggest problem is the police.”
“So in the end, it’s the police again.”
“But we can’t approach this purely through violence. We need a more tactical approach. It seems Brüning has completely changed his strategy. While I was talking with citizens on the street, they tried to fine us for violating traffic laws.”
“So they’ve abandoned the means of violence?”
“It looks like they’re trying to dismiss our activities by invoking the great premise of the law that everyone wants to uphold. We need a new countermeasure. That’s why, instead of flaunting the power of revolution, I’ve been trying to build public opinion centered on ordinary citizens on the streets who sympathize with the revolution.”
“But we mustn’t rely solely on peaceful methods either, Heinz.”
“I know that. That’s why I’m leaving that part to you, Thälmann.”
“Of course. Leave it to me.”
At first, Thälmann had been the one giving me orders while I followed. But at some point, our roles had completely reversed. Ah, whatever. I would just do what I could.
“Also, the Social Democrats still seem to view revolution as nothing more than a synonym for reform. We need to persuade them as well…”
“Do you think that’s possible, Heinz? They aren’t the type to come over easily.”
Thälmann, still bound to the old revolutionary theory of numerical and impressive demonstrations, spoke with clear displeasure.
“They are our allies, but…”
“That’s precisely why it’s so important. We can’t be sleeping in the same bed while looking in different directions.”
“So what do you plan to do, Heinz?”
“Hmm…”
I still didn’t have a clear idea on that part…
“…Ah!”
“You have a plan?”
“I need to make a trip to France.”
“France? Why France all of a sudden?”
“I need to have a conversation with Comrade Léon Blum, chairman of the French Section of the Workers’ International (Section Française de l’International Ouvrière, SFIO).”
Blum was a very famous socialist politician who was critical of communism. If I could talk with him and find some point of compromise, the Social Democratic Party might begin to participate in revolution as a transformation of the system.
“I’ll make contact. That’s an excellent idea!”
And so we gained yet another new objective: to connect the Communist International with the Socialist International.