Overthrow the Cabinet #2
“What the hell is this…?”
The next day,
“Is there a problem, Representative Heinz?”
“It’s not a problem. But why are you suddenly showing up for work when you’ve been ignoring parliament this whole time?”
The National Front representatives had been half-heartedly attending sessions ever since the Chancellor announced the Emergency Decree, only bothering to appear in parliament after the reform bill was ruled unconstitutional.
“That’s entirely up to the representatives themselves, isn’t it?”
“No…!”
“Enough, Emilia. Don’t provoke them for no reason.”
As frustrating as it was, Konrad was right. There was nothing to gain by nitpicking.
“So what brings the People’s Front representatives here today?”
“Does a member of parliament need a reason to come to parliament?”
They had come for the same reason. After the unconstitutional ruling they must have sensed the shift in the wind. We should be grateful that the Social Democratic Party standing with us had kept the situation from exploding into massive street protests right away.
“The People’s Front will submit a motion of no confidence in the cabinet.”
Whether they liked it or not, I handed the document I had drafted the night before to the Speaker.
“The cabinet has dismissed the opposition’s alternative proposals, refused to accept the results of a parliamentary vote, and is ramming through austerity measures that devastate the people’s lives by means of the undemocratic Emergency Decree. A cabinet that clings to such unreasonable policies clearly can no longer be entrusted with the governance of Germany. Therefore, we submit this motion of no confidence.”
With the submission of the motion, the countdown had begun.
“You are moving for a vote of no confidence?”
“That is correct, Representative Kaas. Everything the Chancellor has shown us thus far has been the destruction of democracy in order to force through his policies. Our three parties—the Social Democrats, the Communists, and the Workers’ Party—will resist this tyranny.”
I answered the visibly shaken Ludwig Kaas with calm confidence. The entire People’s Front was present: 140 seats from the SPD, 52 from the KPD, and my own, for a total of 193. The combined Centre, Democratic, and People’s parties held 192 seats, yet not all of them had shown up today. Naturally, the National People’s Party and the other conservative parties seated to the right of the National Front had not even bothered to attend.
If a vote were held today, it would pass without question.
“Shall we proceed to the vote immediately?”
“That will not be possible, Representative Heinz. The vote will be held only after sufficient debate has taken place.”
“Sufficient debate? Wasn’t that concluded with the Constitutional Court’s ruling last time?”
“It merely proved that the reforms proposed by the People’s Front are unconstitutional.”
“The reform bill was ruled unconstitutional. No one ever said a parliamentary motion of no confidence was unconstitutional, did they? Furthermore, the Chief Justice clearly stated that it was ‘a reform containing democratic values but posing a current threat to Germany,’ and never once claimed that the bill itself denied constitutional values.”
“If it harms Germany’s long-term national interest, does that not also constitute a denial of constitutional values?”
Germany was still a country that had been democratized for less than twelve years. Only twelve years earlier it had been a nation relying solely on Habsburg authority while engulfed in the flames of the Great War. That was why the ruling that “national interest takes precedence over democratic values” had been issued. Yet hearing those words from the mouth of a Centre Party member who claimed to cherish democratic principles left a bitter taste.
This was exactly why parliamentary democracy was not true democracy.
“Enough. The People’s Front has submitted a motion of no confidence. Is it impossible to reach a decision by the end of today?”
“A decision within a single day is impossible. Mr. Speaker, how many members are present at this moment?”
“Currently 373 members are in attendance. A valid vote requires at least 385 members—two-thirds of the total.”
“The motion cannot even be put to a vote, Representative Heinz.”
“Ah…”
I came for nothing. I hadn’t expected we would fail to meet even the quorum. Of course the situation was abnormal, but with an Emergency Decree already in effect, their behavior was not entirely incomprehensible. I myself had skipped parliament several times recently.
“…What do we do now?”
In the end, as chair of the People’s Front, I committed the first cardinal sin: asking the other representatives what we should do.
Thälmann let out a sigh of disappointment. Wels looked genuinely shocked that we had failed to reach the quorum. That must have been why Kaas had remained so quiet—he had known all along it would come to nothing.
“Still, we can at least talk, can’t we? May I ask why you demanded a vote of no confidence in the cabinet?”
Kaas spoke with careful formality.
“Well… first of all, this is simply too undemocratic. The will of the people is not reflected at all, yet the cabinet is arbitrarily executing the budget. That is wrong.”
As a leftist, these were the obvious words to say.
“Representative Heinz, am I to understand that you dislike procedural democracy?”
“Of course I dislike it. But we communists believe above all that the will of the people must come first. As a parliamentary party, we have no intention whatsoever of tolerating the Chancellor’s despotism.”
Communism aimed at the abolition of authority and the complete democratization of the people. That much was obvious. The fact that the current system was fake democracy did not mean it could be destroyed by authoritarian force.
“The Chancellor must believe that austerity is the only path that will ultimately save Germany, which is why he is pursuing these policies. But he is gravely mistaken. Who ever claimed that economic recovery was possible through austerity? Do you honestly believe it only works in Germany? Absolutely not. Britain and America are doing exactly the same—clamping down on capital in hopes of achieving trade surpluses. On what basis do you believe Germany will magically produce a trade surplus and that Western entrepreneurs will suddenly decide to invest here and pay wages?”
As expected, the core criticism was the Chancellor’s excessive optimism.
“We are certain that austerity will fail, Representative Kaas.”
“Then we return to the fundamental question, Representative Heinz. What is your alternative?”
“There are radical alternatives and moderate ones. Which would you prefer to hear first?”
“Let us begin with the moderate.”
“Raise taxes on the wealthy, promote state-led industry, and expand welfare programs.”
I stated it as concisely as possible. That was the maximum that could be achieved while still preserving parliamentary democracy.
“Of course, this is merely a temporary measure and does not address the root problem.”
The reason was simple: it left the exploitative capitalist structure of production completely unchanged.
“Even that sounds rather radical.”
“Goodness, if you think that’s radical, you’d faint after hearing the radical version.”
“Then let us hear the radical version.”
“Place ownership and management of all factories, land, and enterprises in the hands of the workers who labor in them, and let them handle production. Naturally, this path involves revolution. It is our method—the one the Social Democrats dislike.”
The second solution was communism itself.
“Neither of these constitutes a feasible alternative, Representative Heinz.”
“Really? According to whom?”
“If you resort to taxing the rich, you will face fierce opposition from entrepreneurs and landed aristocrats, making governance itself impossible. As for the radical means, you yourself called it revolution. One cannot employ such means while preserving democracy.”
“Democracy is such a convenient word, isn’t it?”
Who did they think hated democracy? We loved it far more than they did.
“With that kind of thinking, Germany cannot advance in any direction. Terrified of the rich and the nobility, you will either hand the country over to the National People’s Party and the National Socialists, or cling to a false democracy in which working people hold no real power. Those are the only two choices.”
“So you are saying communism is the solution?”
“Of course. If you don’t believe that, then why do you suppose I am walking this path?”
If I had wanted an easy life, I would have stayed a conservative. Wearing that label made it far simpler to taste power, accumulate wealth, and speak one’s mind freely.
“You must realize that your own party is trapped in a contradiction, Representative Kaas. Either protect capitalism and destroy democracy, or realize democracy and destroy capitalism. It appears the Chancellor has chosen the former path, but the starving workers and unemployed on the streets are unlikely to accept that answer.”
In the end, capitalism and democracy were incompatible.
“…Let us set the detailed discussion aside for now. We will hold the vote on Saturday. I will summon the remaining members as well.”
“Understood, Representative Kaas.”
Since nothing could be accomplished in a parliament without a quorum, the session was dissolved.
“The longer we drag this out, the more disadvantageous our position becomes…”
That evening, Thälmann spoke in a worried voice.
“We can only hope the National People’s Party betrays the Chancellor again, as they did before.”
“Last time it was the budget bill. This time it is a motion of no confidence, Representative Thälmann. When regime change is almost certain to lead to our taking power, there is no chance they will betray him.”
“Still, we can hope, can’t we, Representative Wels?”
“Haah…”
Here we go again. It was time for me to speak plainly.
“Representative Wels.”
“Chair Heinz?”
“Honestly, let’s acknowledge the truth now, shall we?”
“What truth?”
“That within the bounds of the law, we can no longer change anything. The budget rejection was ignored. The parliamentary vote to withdraw the Emergency Decree was defeated. And if the National Front, the minor government-supporting parties, and even a handful of National People’s Party members attend, our 193 votes in favor will still fall short of a majority.”
It was painful, but it was reality.
“I know that the Social Democratic Party built German democracy in 1919. I also know how desperately you have fought to protect this system, this democracy, all these years. Yet the situation has reached this point. The National Front will continue to pressure us with shortsighted obstinacy, and the National People’s Party will collude with the National Socialists, always seeking to restore absolute monarchy. There is only one alternative left: struggle, and through that struggle, revolution.”
It seemed the decisive question now was whether I could persuade Wels.
“I know the Social Democratic Party’s position has always been to reform this society. But Germany has reached a point where reform can achieve nothing more. It must be changed now. The workers must take action.”
“…”
Thälmann remained silent, simply watching the exchange. He probably hadn’t expected such words from me—the very person who had argued for solidarity with the Social Democrats.
“Please, Representative Wels. The only path left to stop the right wing and protect democracy is revolution.”
“…Are you sincere, Chair Heinz?”
“Why would I lie now, after coming this far?”
“I will consider it. I do not know whether my belief that revolution only breeds another dictatorship is mistaken, but the Social Democratic Party cannot yet respond to your proposal.”
“Then I will wait. Take all the time you need.”
As long as we could stop the right wing. Though it could not drag on forever. If the Social Democrats turned toward the revolutionary path, then genuine systemic transformation and the liberation of all workers might finally become possible.
Watching Representative Wels and the SPD members depart after saying they would think it over, I felt my heart grow only more impatient.