Victory Belongs to the Workers!
The slogan began spreading after the Chancellor declared his support for the reform demands: ‘Victory belongs to the workers! Der Sieg ist des Proletariats!’ It hadn’t come from the People’s Front itself, so no one knew exactly where it started, but there was no doubt it gave our side an enormous boost in morale. The phrase spread first among the labor unions that had joined the general strike, then quickly gained fame by appearing in the mainstream press. Three days after the strike began, it was even used as a chant at the official founding ceremony of the People’s Front.
I, not Wels of the largest parliamentary party nor Thälmann, the leader of the strike, was seated as chairman of the People’s Front. There was a reason for that too: if a Communist took the chair, the Social Democrats would complain; if a Social Democrat took it, the Communists would complain. It was an absurd reason, really. I wasn’t confident at all, but when they offered it to me I accepted gratefully.
“Just don’t forget that the Social Democrats will have to become far more radical for that to happen.”
“Shouldn’t the Communist Party also act a little more realistically? It’s hard to follow Russia’s lead.”
The two of them still couldn’t agree on anything from the start…
“Still, in the great cause of defending democracy, aren’t all leftists ultimately one? If we can unite our strength even now, isn’t that a good thing?”
And so the People’s Front was officially proclaimed as an organization. The Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party, which had regarded each other as enemies until then, finally entered a cooperative relationship. Although more than three years remained until the next election… perhaps it would actually be luckier if we could even hold the next election at all. It would mean the right wing hadn’t seized power.
Through various media outlets such as the Frankfurter Zeitung and Die Rote Fahne, news of the People’s Front’s founding and the five major reform proposals we had presented spread across Germany. By the time I returned to the Ruhr, I had somehow become a hero.
“The strike has finally borne fruit! Long live the People’s Front!”
“Emilia, you saved us!”
My friends had already been facing a crisis in their lives because of the austerity measures. Simply by demanding an end to the austerity policy, our People’s Front had more or less fulfilled its role.
“Wow… how on earth did you reconcile with the Social Democrats?”
“It wasn’t so much reconciliation as the situation forcing it to happen.”
“Hey, haven’t you heard? They say Emilia was the one who brought the Social Democrats and Communists together!”
“No, just how distorted has this rumor become?!”
There had been some fabrication… ahem, slight exaggeration, but still, good was good.
“Long live Heinz! Long live Germany’s Joan—the French national heroine Joan of Arc!”
Though it was joyful, the wildly burdensome praise accompanied our celebration of victory over the government. The people wanted reform; there was no justification left to crush that demand.
At the same time, in Berlin, Brandenburg Province.
“...So what exactly are they demanding?”
“Putting the repeal of the Emergency Decree to a national referendum, immediately halting austerity measures, partially redistributing large estates and factories, holding general elections with equal suffrage…”
“They’ve gone mad.”
Von Hugenberg, receiving the report inside his grand mansion, frowned deeply. With parliament paralyzed, he had finally been enjoying luxurious rest at home and reviewing account books that had finally turned to black ink. The general strike had upended everything.
“They said to redistribute the large estates and introduce equal suffrage?”
“Yes, Mr. Chairman.”
“And the Chancellor has agreed to it.”
“...That is correct.”
“The entire country has all but fallen into the hands of the Bolsheviks.”
He let out one sigh after another.
“Divide the land? The land our families have protected for hundreds of years while serving the Holy Roman Imperial House and fighting against the mob… give it to worthless subjects?”
His hands trembled violently with rage.
“Those Bolshevik bastards. Damn Bolsheviks who would sell the country to Moscow!”
“P-please calm yourself.”
“They intend to turn Germany into a den of idiots!”
To him, the disappearance of Habsburg authority after the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire and the empire of that ‘mob Napoleon’ was tantamount to the collapse of the nation’s very foundations. If even a single one of the clauses demanded by the leftist mob from the Chancellor were implemented, stock prices on the German exchange and the agricultural export surplus would turn blood-red the very next day.
“We must stop them. We have to stop them by any means necessary!”
He could not bear to see even a single mark leave his coffers. The German National People’s Party had maintained its position as the second-largest party in parliament despite low approval ratings thanks to the wealth-based unequal suffrage system. But if equal suffrage were introduced, it was impossible to even guess how many seats they would lose.
“Contact His Imperial Majesty at once. No matter what the Chancellor says, he must not repeal the Emergency Decree. Reach out to the Patriotic Youth League and Representative Hitler as well. We must block the Reds’ movements by any means!”
He rose from his seat and issued the order immediately.
“Secretary!”
Then he called for his secretary.
“We have contacts in Geneva and London. Pack up the jewels first and send them there.”
Not only him—Germany’s aristocrats, gripped by unprecedented terror, began sending their family fortunes and gold reserves to Switzerland and Britain one by one. The acceptance of the People’s Front’s demands meant that the France of 1791 might one day be reborn in Germany.
“It’s been a while, Chancellor.”
That Monday, January 12, parliament was convened for the first time in nearly a month. Although most of the German National People’s Party members had refused to attend the session entirely, leaving barely over four hundred present, a proper vote only required two-thirds of all members. Whatever we did, there would be no real problem. On the contrary, without the National People’s Party, there would be fewer opposing votes no matter what we proposed.
“First of all… the current cabinet is experiencing difficulties in actually implementing the reform provisions put forward by the honorable members.”
Brüning’s Macro 1: Vague postponement.
“As you all know, austerity has been in effect as a fundamental premise of policy since the very launch of this cabinet. However, we have not yet fully established countermeasures regarding it.”
“That’s why we proposed the third point, wasn’t it? Partial nationalization and redistribution of large landholdings and factories?”
“If that is to be carried out, an accurate plan and forecast for the budget, the method of expenditure, and justification for it must come first. At present, the cabinet has not achieved even one of these. Democracy values process as well as outcome, and procedure is likewise important. Therefore, please wait until we have procedurally prepared a complete alternative so that we may abandon austerity.”
“Then how long do you think it will take to draft a new budget?”
“Nothing has been decided yet, Representative Wels. We will implement the new budget as soon as it is finalized.”
“Why exactly are you not repealing the Emergency Decree?”
“Repealing the Emergency Decree is currently impossible.”
Brüning’s Macro 2: In principle, we agree.
“That is correct. The Emergency Decree is an act of governing that disregards democratic methods. I fully understand the suffering of the people triggered by this and completely sympathize with the spirit of your demands. However, with the Emergency Decree already proclaimed, the military and police have been mobilized. If we dissolve the decree without first demobilizing them, great chaos will ensue.”
So, in short, ‘you’re right, but…’
“Although the Emergency Decree has been issued, the cabinet will accept parliament’s resolutions and decisions.”
“What about equal suffrage?”
“That matter is still under discussion with legal experts.”
Macro 3: We are reviewing it from a legal standpoint.
“Whether it is a national referendum or constitutional amendment, the provisions you have demanded are in an ambiguous position under the current German constitution and customary law as to whether they can be revised in a constitutional manner. The possibility of amending the Imperial Constitution or adjusting detailed laws must first be discussed further with His Imperial Majesty, and we must also obtain the consent of the Imperial Supreme Court, the judiciary.”
“Is the law demanded by the people a law that requires review?”
“Yes. If this law were applied, numerous discussions are necessary regarding the chaos it would cause in society, unforeseen side effects, and provisions to prevent them. The consent of parliament is also required. This is especially true for equal suffrage and the partial collectivization of agriculture and industry.”
Saying it’s still too early. Was this the fourth macro? It wasn’t like this was the first lesson or anything.
“We didn’t demand reform proposals just to watch experts debate them from on high. If all we do is talk, Germany’s current situation will never improve.”
As chairman of the People’s Front, I spoke up as well.
“As you all know, Germany is not a country made up solely of workers. If ninety-nine percent of the people are workers, the remaining one percent are landlords and businessmen. Listening to the will of the ninety-nine percent is of course important, but that does not mean the will of the remaining one percent should be ignored.”
“Right now that one percent is leading and silencing the other ninety-nine percent! Isn’t that far less desirable?!”
“Nevertheless, pushing the proposed reforms forward without concrete, numerical alternatives carries a high probability of causing national instability.”
“Ha…”
Please stop grilling me already. I wondered how long we would have to sit through this. Sooner or later it would work out, I supposed.