Austerity or Death #10
The headline hit the papers the very next morning: Sunday Bloodshed in Munich Streets! Communist RFB Confirmed on Scene, Other Side Unidentified. Of course it did. I wanted to scream.
“Representative Ernst Thälmann.”
The moment the Monday session opened, the Chancellor naturally turned on him.
“Did you personally direct the RFB in yesterday’s dawn assault on the crowd?”
“If I didn’t, who else would have?” Thälmann answered boldly.
“...That day was neither a scheduled protest nor a strike. The police had not resorted to excessive force. I understand the crowd dispersed immediately after the incident. Is that correct?”
“It is.”
“Then why did you use violence to break them up?”
“Your intelligence is slow, as usual. Those were no ordinary citizens. National Socialists—those bastards—were right in the middle of it.”
“Whatever demonstration they were holding and whatever their purpose, that is a matter for the state police, not for an unofficial paramilitary organization under the Communist Party.”
“Then let me ask you this. If we hadn’t struck first, who exactly would have stopped them?” Thälmann declared with absolute confidence. “Those men are packed tight with murderous intent and hatred! Representative Emilia Heinz standing right here nearly died at their hands!”
The other representatives chimed in loudly. Yeah. I really did almost die.
“And at the center of it all was that man!” Thälmann shouted, jabbing a finger toward the National People’s Party benches. “Adolf Hitler!”
“That was not a National People’s Party rally, Representative Thälmann.”
“Of course it wasn’t an official DNVP rally. The man is a snake. He pretends to hide behind the National People’s Party while leading a cult that worships him like a god. You should have seen their madness for yourself, Chancellor.”
Hitler merely snorted as if the accusation were beneath him and offered no reply. Ugh. Just looking at that face makes murderous rage bubble up inside me again.
“Even so, had someone reported it to the police, they would have investigated the scene. The RFB had no business intervening.”
“Naturally. After all, your precious police happily trample any demonstration where the people demand bread, yet stand ready to protect the right-wing forces that are always one spark away from open revolt.”
Thälmann spoke with biting sarcasm and set the microphone down.
“...The German police strive to maintain maximum political neutrality. Regardless of intent, the activities of unofficial paramilitary groups are undesirable.”
Oh sure, of course. Political neutrality. The police—whose duty above all else is to serve the people—talking about political neutrality? What utter nonsense.
The session ended, and the speculation continued.
“What’s certain is that there’s collusion between German capitalists and the National Socialists.”
Thälmann urged me to rest, but what would I become if I simply hid away? Besides, I wanted to produce some results of my own.
“They have everything the capitalists need—anti-communism, German supremacy, expansionism.”
“Then we must trace the money flowing to them. Do you have a good approach, Comrade Thälmann?”
“I do.” He pulled out a neatly organized portfolio of the investigation net. “We’ll focus on Eher Verlag, the publisher that prints the National Socialist Party’s newspapers. We’ll investigate their funding sources, contact networks, and headquarters. Naturally, we can’t do it with our strength alone. We’ll need the Comintern’s help. Since our findings and the Comintern’s now largely align, it’s time to end independent investigations and begin full-scale cooperation.”
Joseph Stalin, the Comintern comrade in charge of this investigation, sent a telegram stating he would ‘actively cooperate with the German Communist Party’s lead in the probe.’
“And… the National Socialists are surely connected to other international forces as well.”
“Such as?”
“Italy, for example. It’s essentially under fascist dictatorship right now.”
Since the Fascist Party’s revolt in 1922, Benito Mussolini had seized control of both the king and the government.
“Fascism and National Socialism share so much. The state’s system comes before individual freedom or equality. The leader is worshipped and obeyed almost like a god. They hate both capitalism and communism. And ultimately, the nation must expand to prove the glory of the race… That’s the core of it all.”
“So you believe there is some connection?”
“It would be hard to say there isn’t, wouldn’t it?”
In the original history, the ‘Axis’ powers that symbolized far-right militarism and nationalism and ignited the Second World War had been Hitler’s Germany, Mussolini’s Italy, and Japan. There was no way they hadn’t influenced each other.
“Then the investigation narrows to two main directions. Find the link between the capitalists and the National Socialists, and uncover their relationship with the Italian fascists.”
“Exactly.”
“Good. I’ll contact Moscow. Everyone did excellent work. We can afford a short rest until the vote.”
Thälmann said as he gathered the papers.
“Especially you, Heinz. For a politician who only recently entered the arena, you’ve endured a great deal. Please, make sure you rest. Once the vote is over, whether the Chancellor explodes first or the right wing does, something big is going to happen.”
“Thank you, Thälmann.”
With roughly two weeks left until the third vote, the Communist Party and the German Labour Party officially entered a brief period of rest.
“Representative Adolf Hitler.”
Alfred von Hugenberg stood Hitler before him and demanded answers.
“What the hell have you been doing? Confess at once.”
“What do you mean, sir?”
“Did you not hear what that communist said? He clearly stated you were behind it. What is this? Have you been operating another organization besides the National People’s Party?”
Von Hugenberg was already seething with rage at the left wing, which had grown increasingly vocal in parliament lately and openly disregarded the DNVP.
“What did he call it? National Socialism? What exactly is your relationship with those people?”
“First, calm down and listen.” Hitler remained composed. “Before joining the National People’s Party, I was indeed active in a party called the National Socialist German Workers’ Party. The red he mentioned was clearly referring to that party. I still maintain close ties with its members.”
“What kind of party is it that both the Chancellor and the reds despise it so much?”
“Its goal is to restore Germany’s glory. It rejects liberals who value peace over the nation and leftists who divide the nation into classes and set them against each other. Instead, it seeks cooperation among all classes to build a stronger Germany.”
“Hmm…”
“And if you wish, I can persuade the leadership to conduct propaganda activities on behalf of the National People’s Party. As the name ‘National Socialist’ suggests, the party was created to draw in the middle and lower classes.”
“Then were you present at the scene when those people clashed with the National Socialists?”
“Do you really believe the words of Bolshevik communists, sir?” Hitler said.
“…In any case, be careful. Parliament no longer has the ability to govern Germany. It will collapse soon. After that, the old order will return. If you are useful, fine. But if you become an obstacle, National Socialism or not, I will discard you. Keep that in mind.”
“Yes, sir.”
“You may go.”
With that, von Hugenberg and Hitler parted ways. Then—
“What the—watch where you’re going!”
“Ah, my apologies.”
Hitler had bumped shoulders with a man on the street. And in his coat pocket now rested a single slip of paper.
The two weeks passed in a flash. Time always crawls when you’re busy and races when you rest. There was no overwhelming tension during that period. After all, everything would be decided by the parliamentary vote. Even if it failed again, surely they wouldn’t invoke the Emergency Decree.
It was also a relief that I had stepped back from the front lines of the Nazi investigation. I could now focus solely on the vote in parliament and the investigation in Frankfurt.
“Now that they’ve caught you once and let you slip away, there’s no telling when they’ll try again, Heinz. For the time being, stay inside party headquarters. Understood?”
Thälmann had said. Honestly, I wanted to argue, but there was simply no room for alternatives. I didn’t want to die. It was clear that not only Hitler but the entire right wing had me in their sights.
Before I knew it, the day of the vote had arrived. Once again, without hesitation, I checked Nein. The result was…
“Two hundred fifty votes in favor, three hundred twenty-seven against. The motion is rejected.”
With an even wider margin, Brüning’s austerity bill had been defeated for the third time.
“Hurrah! German democracy is not yet dead!”
By any logical application of majority rule, it made no sense for a policy opposed by more than half of Germany’s ninety million citizens to pass. The German parliament was now effectively split into three irreconcilable factions.
This rejection was hailed as a victory for democracy reflecting the will of the majority by me, the Communists, and the Social Democrats. The People’s Front called it the destruction of democracy by extremists of both the far left and far right. The National People’s Party simply declared it proof of democracy’s total failure.
“Is this… is this truly a victory for democracy? The demagogues of both the left and right extremes have blinded the eyes and ears of the people! Is this what democracy looks like?!”
“Shut your nonsense, Representative Dietrich! You declare you will starve the people to death and then demand their support? Do you think the masses are that stupid? Wake up! As long as democracy stands, that bill will never pass!”
The usually calm atmosphere of the Reichstag grew white-hot the instant the rejection was announced.
“A third rejection! Parliament has completely paralyzed the executive branch! What can an administration possibly do with such an uncooperative legislature?!”
Hermann Dietrich, the Centre Party’s Deputy Chancellor, shouted in fury.
“What is more important—the cabinet or parliament? Parliament reflects the will of the people. Are you not the ones rejecting democracy?”
Otto Wels of the Social Democrats refused to be outdone.
“Then hold a national referendum! If you’re so confident in public sentiment, let the people decide yes or no!”
“A referendum without special justification is unconstitutional!”
“If a referendum that reflects the people’s will is unconstitutional, then what exactly is constitutional?!”
Thälmann shouted in support of Wels. Good grief. I never thought I’d live to see those two agreeing with one voice.