The London Conference
In truth, 1881 had been a year of turmoil.
While the Tsar was assassinated in Russia and the diplomatic relations between Germany and Russia flipped like a pancake, Italy—standing at the threshold of the great powers—seethed with fury.
“Aaaargh! You dog-bastard baguette-eaters!”
Without so much as consulting Rome, France had casually seized Tunisia, a land where Italians had poured massive investments and sent waves of immigrants—territory they had long regarded as de facto within Italy’s sphere of influence.
The French put on a brazen face.
“We intervened solely to prevent Tunisian savages from crossing the border and sowing chaos in Algeria, and to manage the debts the Beylik of Tunis can no longer handle. Your interests remain entirely unaffected, so there is no cause for concern.”
Of course it was nonsense.
How could Italian interests possibly remain untouched once Tunisia became a French protectorate?
The Italians were livid.
“Spare us the crap!”
Italy lodged furious protests with France.
But circumstances at the time turned heavily against the Italians.
First, France simply outmatched Italy in national power.
“If we settle this with fists, you know who’s getting his face smashed in, right?”
On the diplomatic front, France had secured the backing of the great powers.
“As the world’s international referee, the British Empire judges that Tunisia receiving French protection is entirely legitimate!”
“Frankly we don’t care much for the French either, but better they go off to Africa than keep meddling in Europe. For that reason, Germany supports the baguette-eaters!”
Even Italy’s internal situation was dire.
“For heaven’s sake, drought has already turned the country into a wasteland—do we really have the strength left to spar with France? Just hurry up and allocate the relief budget!”
In 1881 alone, 135,000 people chose emigration simply to survive; throughout the 1880s the yearly average ran between 100,000 and 200,000.
Italy might have wanted to stand up to France, but it was in no position to do so.
“How galling.”
Italy had no choice but to accept the French occupation of Tunisia.
The “blow of Tunisia,” which had so thoroughly humiliated the Italians, not only toppled the cabinet in Rome but completely reversed the country’s diplomatic orientation.
“We need allies.”
Facing diplomatic isolation, the Italians now yearned—as they had in the past—for a powerful ally that would stand by them.
Naturally,
France is absolutely out of the question.
Italy’s options were therefore limited.
Britain? Or Germany?
After deliberation the Italians settled on Germany as their partner.
Austria sitting awkwardly in between was a nuisance, yet their rage against France was strong enough to let them swallow every contradiction.
Even so, the plan was not without its problems.
Namely, the prospective ally—Germany—was not especially enthusiastic.
“Looking at the last Austro-Prussian War, the Italians will clearly be of little military use. They’ll only drag us into their quarrels with Austria and give us headaches. Why invite that kind of migraine?”
The German military made no effort to hide its contempt for Italy.
“Still, it never hurts to have more friends.”
Bismarck and the advocates of stable hegemony, just as they had extended friendly gestures toward Russia, now signaled willingness to take Italy on as a friend as well.
Germany’s swift diplomatic footwork made the French feel the chill of isolation.
“All the more reason we must bulk up our weight class!”
Using the episode as a spur, France began accelerating the expansion of its colonial empire in Africa and Asia.
And that expansion did not spare the Congo.
“We demand our rightful share in the Congo.”
Berlin refused to accept Paris’s claim.
Having already expended political capital suppressing the opposition, Bismarck took a step back from the confrontation over monopoly of the Congo.
“So Germany intends to gobble up everything after all?”
As tensions among the powers steadily climbed, Britain—unable to endure the situation any longer—stepped forward as mediator.
In truth London had hoped Berlin would take the mediating role, but Bismarck made it plain he had no intention of involving himself in the matter.
For that reason the London Conference convened in the British capital in August 1881—far earlier than in the original timeline.
In actual history the Berlin Conference that discussed the partition of the colonies was held in 1884–1885.
“Right then—let us divide the pie ‘fairly.’”
Under British mediation the great powers drew borders straight across Africa.
“Drawing them in straight lines makes the land look neat and pleasing to the eye.”
Of course they left room for further discussion regarding the hinterlands that no power’s influence had yet reached.
But when it came to the Congo—the very reason the conference had been called—not a single nation was prepared to yield an inch.
Even the weakest among them, Portugal, insisted on taking a bite.
“If you look at it properly our claim is the strongest of all. Is it reasonable to give us nothing?”
Portugal brandished its established rights in a desperate bid to secure territory.
Belgium and France combined their claims of sovereignty.
“We jointly demand a colony. If you cannot give us all of the Congo, then at least cut us half!”
Germany snorted.
“If whining were enough to win land, why did Italy go home in tears?”
Each power advanced its own justifications and arguments.
Britain tried to judge the matter with some semblance of fairness, but even that proved no easy task.
“The German Crown Princess is Her Majesty the Queen’s eldest daughter. Considering Anglo-German friendship, we cannot ignore Germany.”
Diplomatic peculiarities had to be weighed.
“Yet France is our second-largest trading partner—after the United States. We cannot make the French excessively uncomfortable.”
Economic realities had to be considered.
“In terms of national interest, having the modest power of Belgium take the Congo actually best serves the maintenance of order under the British Empire.”
The balance of power also had to be factored in.
And Portugal?
“They’re our second-string friends—we can afford to slight them a little.”
So what to do about the Congo?
“That’s precisely the hard part.”
It was by no means a simple question.
Britain wished to leave no side feeling slighted.
After much deliberation the British Foreign Secretary, George Leveson-Gower, sent a discreet proposal to the German side.
“If Berlin will abandon its alliance with Russia, the British Empire will support Germany’s position on the Congo question and on colonial issues more broadly.”
There was no concrete promise of what would actually be delivered, but British diplomacy had always operated in that fashion.
“That is difficult.”
Bismarck had already risked domestic backlash in order to improve relations with Russia; he could not simply discard the effort for a few words from the British.
“Since the Germans have rejected our offer, let us simply proceed ‘fairly.’”
Using Bismarck’s refusal as cover, Britain decided to settle the Congo question in an ostensibly impartial manner.
“Listen carefully, everyone.”
Britain allocated the greater part of the northern bank of the Congo River—with Brazzaville as its capital—to France.
Germany immediately protested.
“That is territory we occupied first!”
“Now, now—are you objecting to our fair judgment?”
“Even so, that is going too far.”
After prolonged push and pull, Britain agreed to divide the northern bank of the Congo River.
Of the approximately 342,000 square kilometers on the northern bank, the 80,000 square kilometers adjoining Cameroon and the Congo River were awarded to Germany.
“At least we saved face.”
Both Germany and France were dissatisfied with the partition, but if one had to choose the more aggrieved party it was France.
On a simple map the German share looked smaller, yet in actual value the German territory was superior.
“Can we really present a tropical rainforest teeming with sleeping sickness to our people as an achievement?”
“Don’t worry about that. The people only look at the size of the map.”
Still, the French had secured a result they could explain to a public that grew excited over large and beautiful maps; they had at least escaped the worst possible predicament.
The worst fate fell to Belgium.
Portugal at least received a consolation prize:
“Here—take your cut.”
They walked away with roughly 7,000 square kilometers, almost the same as in the original timeline. Belgium received nothing of the sort.
“The southern bank of the Congo River will be administered as an international colony.”
“Wait—does that mean…?”
Belgium briefly nursed hope, but the international colony was not destined for them.
To soothe Belgium and France, Britain proposed turning the entire Congo River basin—some 2,345,000 square kilometers—into an international colony.
“That leaves us at a loss, doesn’t it?”
“Exactly. So administration will be handled by an International Congo Commission under German leadership, while Belgium and France will enjoy privileged rights of investment.”
Belgium and France remained dissatisfied, yet if the place were nominally an international colony there was nothing they could not accept.
“There’s no help for it. Britain will not side with us any further.”
“Ah, after all the preparation we put into that colony…”
Belgium still clung to lingering attachment, but a colony that had already entered Germany’s mouth could not be reclaimed.
Waldemar learned the results of the negotiations by eavesdropping on the servants who came and went through the Crown Prince’s palace.
“International colony or whatever—what matters is that we have already swallowed it.”
He went at once to the Royal Theatre and met with John Connor.
“Has the Congo fallen into Your Highness’s hands?”
“Yes. It will be made official once the conference ends.”
Waldemar believed he needed to prepare for a monopoly of the Congo until then.
Rubber plantations, copper mines, ivory—the riches to be drawn from the Congo were endless.
“Have you received a firm commitment from the government?”
“Not yet.”
But he was certain.
In the early stages of colonial development the imperial powers always suffered every conceivable hardship for want of capital and manpower.
Given that reality, any investment proposal coming from Waldemar’s side was bound to receive preferential treatment.
“By the way, have you been following the stories coming out of Russia lately?”
“I have. The Tsar’s anachronistic behavior is certainly worrying.”
“Which is why I raise the idea: what if we relocate the Germans living there to the Congo?”
“The German-Russians?”
John Connor considered for a moment.
The Tsar’s forced Russification policies had left the empire’s minority communities seething with discontent.
Even the Germans, who enjoyed a privileged position in Russia, were no exception.
Not every German living in Russia was a nobleman, after all.
“The cost of relocation will not be small. Are you certain?”
“I am not concerned with the expense.”
What Waldemar cared about was the stability of the colony—more precisely, the security of the assets he intended to invest in the Congo.
To stabilize a colony, raising the proportion of Germans was the best course available.
Waldemar sipped cold juice and followed the beautiful illusions painted by the opera’s performers.
The dreams they spun bore an uncanny resemblance to the bottomless desires of the greedy imperialists.