Chapter 99
Chapter 99
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: The Giant's Awakening (2)
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As soon as America entered the war, not every situation changed dramatically.
For the time being, even the U.S. military wasn't fully prepared.
They were still in the process of training a ground force of a million men needed to sweep across Europe.
Considering that the original size of the U.S. military had been smaller than that of weak Romania, it wasn't surprising.
Related to this issue, the Americans approached us for cooperation.
"We'd like to borrow Korea's expertise. Could you assist in expanding our forces?"
Of course, we'd help.
We dispatched a group of retired officers to pass on the know-how of operating large Korean armies.
These guys would learn on their own anyway if left alone, so it was the perfect time to show some generosity.
While we were at it, we proposed creating a unified Allied command structure.
The Soviets responded,
"We're not too keen on that. Our front has its own unique characteristics."
That was expected.
To load up communist regimes onto freight trains and launch a surprise into Eastern Europe, it made sense for Moscow to keep communication channels as limited as possible.
In contrast, Britain and America were positive.
"We're in agreement."
So, let's form a team among the righteous democratic allies, leaving out the Soviet reds.
The Korea-Britain-America trio decided to establish the supreme headquarters in London, with General Eisenhower as the overall Allied commander.
"Eisenhower as supreme commander? Why him?"
When our military raised objections, I gave them a realistic answer.
"Are we supplying everything from Asia to Europe?"
"Ah."
If America's footing the bill, we had to save face for them.
These people didn't even understand the basic principle of capitalism.
Whoever pays is the boss.
I thought Claude Auchinleck would be the supreme commander for the Mediterranean theater, but an unexpected figure emerged.
"M-Montgomery? Leech Monty?"
It was a parachute drop out of nowhere.
He looked so mismatched that I was speechless.
Second only to Stilwell in sheer absurdity.
That bastard hadn't even achieved anything notable in North Africa—why the sudden promotion?
The reason was simple.
Auchinleck and O'Connor didn't align ideologically with the Eden regime.
So, they pushed forward Montgomery, who fit their tastes and had at least shown some fighting spirit in the brutal French campaign.
But that was their business.
I wasn't putting our boys under Montgomery.
"Stop the Montgomery appointment!"
Thanks to my vehement refusal, Britain dropped the Montgomery card.
Instead, they appointed Wavell.
Wavell.
That one I could accept.
Sure, Wavell had the image of struggling against Rommel, but he wasn't the personality wreck that Montgomery was.
How could anyone look favorably on a guy like pseudo-Manoshtein who dumped his own shit on his subordinates?
At least Manoshtein had talent; Montgomery had none of that.
Once the Allied command structure was sorted, discussions turned to the next attack target.
"Italy next, then definitely France."
"Excuse me, but liberating the Balkans seems important too."
"France. To kill the Nazis, we have to go through France."
Britain couldn't insist on the Mediterranean anymore when the paymaster America pushed hard for France.
With big brother here, things were moving fast.
But then America brought up something unexpected.
"Prime Minister, just between us, shouldn't we give Free France a seat at the supreme headquarters too?"
Huh?
Trying to set France up as a victor nation here?
"Absolutely not."
I opposed it firmly.
How much of a headache would it be if France, with whom we had bad relations, became a permanent Security Council member?
No way I'd let that happen.
"But if we don't bolster Free France, there's a risk of France going red. Even if it's politically unpalatable, could you show some consideration?"
I slapped my knee at the American logic.
The invincible anti-communist ideology.
That was what had saved France from collapsing as a defeated nation.
How many countries had the reds rescued?
But the red cheat code didn't always work.
At least not on anti-communist expert Minister Lee Seong-jun.
"If we liberate France ourselves, that solves it, doesn't it?"
Liberate France on our terms and collect all the resistance weapons in the process.
Then the commie reds couldn't cause much trouble even if they wanted to.
That's how original-history de Gaulle disarmed the leftists.
What was there to worry about if it worked?
"France can mobilize 500,000 troops right now. If we marginalize Free France's voice too much, the French people will grow resentful."
I knew combining North African and exile French forces got them roughly that number.
Who would deny it was a significant force?
But so what?
Poland, with 200,000 Poles and 800,000 homeland troops fighting the Nazis, was still doomed to be torn apart by the Soviets.
France had contributed even less than half of that.
No, they'd handed over equipment to arm 120 Nazi divisions.
Without them, the Nazis couldn't have strutted around like that.
So France was a collaborator nation—no, quasi-war criminal state.
Letting scum like that survive without punishment was already a huge mercy.
Thus, France couldn't be allowed victor status.
Had their conscience gone hiking in the mountains?
With me nailing down no seat for France, the Allied brass had no comeback.
I thought that settled it.
But then.
"Free France's de Gaulle sent a telegram."
"No, why's that guy messaging me?"
He was nominally a general, but the outside world treated him as France's leader.
Ignoring it outright felt off.
"What should we do?"
"Bring it here for now."
I decided to read de Gaulle's telegram.
De Gaulle.
Truth be told, our beef was with France, not de Gaulle personally.
If anything, I respected him.
How could I undervalue the leader who put a collaborationist nation deserving ruin onto the list of five victorious powers and made it a nuclear state?
If Napoleon defined the 19th century, de Gaulle defined the 20th for France.
France could be explained that succinctly, such was his influence.
Anyway, de Gaulle's telegram argued cautiously that Free France deserved a place in the Allied supreme headquarters.
'Doesn't Korea need to watch the Soviets once the war ends?'
Not entirely wrong.
We did need to keep an eye on Moscow as the Soviets grew.
But the Soviet core was always European Russia.
As long as we didn't poke the bear, Moscow had little incentive to bother with the distant Far East.
In other words, in the security seesaw game, it was Europe—not us—that needed to fear the Soviets.
When anti-communist logic fell flat, de Gaulle threw a changeup.
"Your Excellency, long-term, Korea is fated to be a rival to Anglo-America. Don't you need a reliable partner in this situation?"
Our partner?
I wanted to say they had the big communist homeland Soviet Union, but us reds were credit-defaulters with rock-bottom scores.
That did make it a bit tempting.
Assuming de Gaulle's proposal was sincere.
Nah, what was I thinking?
Considering France's future messes, cutting ties was still best.
Suez, Indochina, Algeria.
Ugh, just thinking about it made me nauseous.
I rejected de Gaulle's offer.
"Your Excellency, if there's any condition you want from us, please state it. We'll accommodate as much as possible."
When the deal failed, de Gaulle grabbed at my pant leg.
This wasn't like him; he must have been desperate for a headquarters seat.
But no meant no.
Even after repeated persuasion, I kept refusing, and de Gaulle couldn't hide his disappointment.
No helping it.
Korea's national interests came first.
Since de Gaulle was out, I decided to offer some advice.
"General, in return for your sincerity in sending this telegram to Korea today, allow me a brief piece of advice. If unrest breaks out in Indochina ahead, cut losses quickly—it'll serve France's interests. Keep that in mind."
He could reflect on it later.
In the end, the Allied supreme headquarters formed as a three-nation joint structure per my wishes.
Free French forces ended up subordinated under British command.
Just like Free Polish forces.
'No war spoils for them either.'
Original-history France got a share of German homeland occupation, but not in this world.
Saarland, Rhineland, Baden—not a chance.
With America's new share, there wasn't enough to go around, let alone for France.
Perhaps feeling I was too cold to France, Jeong Gil offered cautious advice.
"Your Excellency, France is still a great power. Even fallen now, they'll rise again someday."
I knew that.
No one knew France's future growth better than I did.
Yet I didn't extend a hand to France.
For the next decade or so, friendship with France brought nothing good.
"I know, Jeong Gil. I know, but that's how it has to be."
They'd see I was right in time.
Butterfly effects or not, France wasn't the type to let go of colonies easily.