Chapter 67
Chapter 67
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Declaration of War Against Germany (1)
-----------------------------------------------------------------
The Korean-Chinese War was unfolding into a protracted conflict, just as anticipated.
The Chinese government, mindful of public opinion, came out with a rather hardline stance, demanding a return to the status quo ante bellum.
“We will neither hear nor see Pyongyang’s proposals unless they involve reverting to the pre-war state.”
Of course, there was no reason for Korea, which had seized the advantage in the war, to comply.
Even if it had started as mischief from those Mu-ban bastards, it couldn’t end with a “Heh heh, our boys got into a bit of trouble. Sorry about that.”
The blame had to fall squarely on China.
If, by some chance, we shouldered the responsibility, compensation would be the least of our worries—the public would never buy it.
The same went for China.
This was a guillotine match between Korea and China.
Whoever threw in the towel with an “I lost” would be the one getting their head chopped off.
What could be done about it?
There was nothing but to drag out the war until Chiang Kai-shek faced reality.
In the end, time was on our side.
Behind Chiang lurked the Communists quietly building their power, while on the opposite scale sat Wang Jingwei, diligently selling out the country to solidify his regime.
All we had to do was keep supporting those fellows wholeheartedly.
Thus, the Korean-Chinese War itself wasn’t something to worry about.
The only annoyance was...
“Your Excellency. We have intelligence that the French merchant fleet has docked in Singapore. They’re carrying German-made weapons, and it looks like they’re headed for China.”
Germany.
Outraged by our aid to the Soviets, Germany was now shipping weapons to China.
Worried we’d block them outright, they cleverly used the puppet French government as cover.
Did those guys, barely holding their own against the Soviets, really have the bandwidth for this?
That thought crossed my mind, but considering Hitler’s actions in the original timeline, it wasn’t all that strange.
When strategy clashed with politics, Hitler always prioritized the political angle.
If it brought political gain, he’d ignore military losses.
That was the kind of man he was, so deciding to arm China was par for the course.
His shallow calculus was transparent: use mass arms aid to China as leverage to cut off our heavy weapons support to the Soviets.
“Your Excellency, how should we respond?”
This wasn’t for uniformed experts to handle.
It called for a political judgment.
No need to agonize over it long, though.
“Seize them.”
If we were enemies anyway, what was the harm in playing hardball?
The order went out, and the South China Sea Fleet stationed in Taiwan sortied immediately.
Three days later, reports came in that the French merchant fleet en route to China had been captured.
“France is protesting strongly. They call it an outrageous act that violates international law.”
Yeah. The whining of a failed state falls on deaf ears.
I instructed them to brush off France’s protests.
Then protests flew in from Germany too.
Since I wouldn’t grant an audience, they wired the embassy.
Curious what nonsense they’d spout, I had it brought to my desk.
“To His Excellency the Prime Minister. Your actions are creating an irreparable rift in the friendship between Korea and Germany.”
There was a bunch of such drivel, but it was all predictable.
They wanted the merchant ships released immediately.
Why should we?
I loaded the confiscated German weapons onto ships and sent them to the Soviets.
“Use them for adversarial materiel analysis.”
“Thank you so much, Prime Minister.”
Germany’s gift proved useful in strengthening ties with the Reds.
Naturally, Germany was furious.
With mutual asset seizures and aid to each other’s enemies already in play, we’d gone as far as we could.
“Return the seized weapons immediately and pay reparations for the capture. Otherwise, we declare war?”
The Führer was coming on strong.
Recalling how he’d coolly declared war on Washington from across the Atlantic over U.S. friction in the original timeline, his patience thus far was almost admirable.
Time to reply, then.
I personally drafted a wire to the Führer.
“To the Führer of Germany, Adolf Hitler. After careful consideration of Your Excellency’s demands, we inform you that we cannot accept them.”
Not quite the one-liner to Denmark’s Christian X that answered a lengthy missive, but my two-liner would suffice to piss off the Führer.
Three hours after the wire went out, Germany’s response arrived.
“The German government has made unceasing efforts toward peace, but recognizes that Korea’s relentless provocations have exhausted diplomatic options. Accordingly, we declare war on Pyongyang as of 3:00 p.m. Berlin time, September 25.”
Surprisingly polite for Nazi thugs—a proper document.
Wondered why it was so courteous, then learned our Foreign Ministry translators had smoothed it out in the process.
Anyway, greetings received meant greetings returned in kind.
I had them prepare a national address to the Assembly.
The chamber was packed with lawmakers, a rare full house.
I shook hands with the assemblymen and took the podium.
“Honorable members of the Assembly. I am Prime Minister Lee Sung-jun. Today, the German government has declared war on the Empire, citing the seizure of their merchant ships. But those ships bound for China were loaded with weapons meant to kill our soldiers. Does it make any sense for them to protest the capture after sending arms to slaughter our troops?”
To be fair, we’d thrown the first punch.
We’d sent massive arms aid to the Soviets and humiliated Germany.
When they retaliated by launching merchant ships, we seized those too.
In the Korean-German spat, at least, Korea was the aggressor.
But no need to dwell on such inconvenient truths.
To our people, we always had to be on the side of justice.
The Nazis were absolute evil anyway—no harm in a little white lie.
“I tell you firmly, honorable members: the Republic of Korea has no intention of yielding to such German trickery. If we kneel to Germany now, we’d be silenced even if they shot our soldiers next. How could we allow that?”
This was the rationale to convince the public.
Germany had backed us into a corner, forcing the seizure.
Their declaration of war in response? That was on them.
“Weapons for our troops in China? Not a single rifle or bullet gets through. I declare that anyone dreaming otherwise is an enemy of the Republic of Korea.”
I unleashed a torrent of hawkish rhetoric against Germany in a stern tone.
“Honorable members. The Republic of Korea is not so weak as to retreat from an arrogant challenge. Just because Germany is the world’s mightiest power, must we fail to defend our own interests in our own backyard?”
Of course not.
Even a mangy cur bites back halfway in its own home, and given the size difference between Germany and Korea, Berlin couldn’t touch us on the opposite side of the globe.
That’s why the assemblymen looked so relaxed.
“The Republic of Korea is a bona fide great power. A nation with pride. To those Germans who dared speak of war while underestimating us, I reply thus: If you seek death, we shall gladly oblige!”
I ended with a shout.
Descending the podium, I was met with thunderous applause from the assemblymen.
It started with Yoo Hyuk-hoe, joined by assemblymen from the Grand Governance Party aligned with us.
Unexpectedly, even the Korean Revolutionary Party clapped along.
Guess they weren’t as clueless about the mood as I thought.
“Your Excellency. Splendid speech. If they heard it in Berlin, Hitler’s one good ball would’ve shriveled up tight.”
“You’re laying the flattery on thick yourself.”
“Great speech, Prime Minister.”
“You honor me, Assemblyman.”
I exchanged greetings with the assemblymen and left the chamber.
The declaration of war against Germany was printed in every national daily.
Thirty minutes later, Soviet Ambassador Konstantin Smetanin visited to offer condolences and hint at pushing forward a Korean-Soviet alliance.
“Your Excellency. Now Korea and the Soviet Union share a common enemy in Germany. Since things have come to this, why not have Pyongyang and Moscow join hands to confront Germany together?”
A Korean-Soviet alliance.
Tempting, but not now.
Crawling into the German-Soviet war prematurely wasn’t my style.
That was a hellscape with tens of thousands of casualties a day.
I politely brushed off the Soviet ambassador and sent him on his way.
He hadn’t expected an alliance on the spot anyway and left without fuss.
“Connect me to the Foreign Ministry.”
“Connected.”
“Foreign Minister. How’s the expulsion of the German ambassador coming? Giving them 24 hours?”
I knew it was diplomatic protocol.
But did Nazis deserve protocol?
I ordered them to use the same tactic France had when they recognized the Communists and booted the Republic of China’s ambassador.
“No alliance yet, but we’ve got to put on a show.”
Korean police unleashed dogs on the German embassy and chased out the diplomats.
“Unbelievable! How can a so-called civilized nation commit such barbarism!”
The German ambassador ranted about Korea’s savagery as he left Pyongyang.
But what could they do?
It was just tricks we’d learned from you Europeans.