Chapter 57
Chapter 57
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Translator: crow
Chapter Title: Aid to the Soviets (2)
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Mid-June 1941, Korea began supplying vital military materiel to the Soviet Union during its most dire hour.
Tanks and vehicles, locomotives, aircraft, ammunition, fuel, and food—all manner of goods—traveled the Trans-Siberian Railway to European Russia.
Of course, the supplies Korea provided were a drop in the bucket compared to Soviet needs.
In truth, the Soviet military's demands were so vast that even the world's foremost superpower, America, would struggle to fulfill them.
Properly feeding, clothing, and arming an army of over 13 million was a feat beyond even the United States.
Still, even aid that amounted to pissing in the wind was better than nothing.
Koreans toiled an average of ten grueling hours a day to produce goods bound for the Union.
“Meal time. Let’s take a breather.”
Only during meals could the workers catch their breath.
“Steamed pork backbones.”
“I prefer spicy stir-fried chicken.”
The government took care to ensure nutrition for these munitions workers enduring such harsh labor.
It subsidized factory cafeterias and mandated fixed quotas of protein in meals.
Factory owners who fell short faced a deep conversation with the security service—underwater.
“Gurgle gurgle. I, I’m sorry. I’ll provide proper rations. Just give me one more chance. Please.”
“See? Water knows the truth.”
Korean munitions production had begun ramping up in January, well before the war started, and exploded upward from June onward.
Government policy support and aggressive corporate investment played key roles.
Once Korean aid to the Soviets kicked off, the Anglo-Americans didn't sit idle.
Under the banner of the "pre-Lend-Lease Protocol," they effectively shipped Lend-Lease aid straight to the Soviets.
Of course, to cover their tracks, they sent no military weapons.
Instead, they provided desperately needed fuel, food, and raw materials.
“The Anglo-Americans moving in was expected, but I can’t fathom why the Koreans are aiding the Soviets so brazenly.”
Reich Security Main Office Chief Reinhard Heydrich pondered Yi Seong-jun's intentions.
Ideologically, Korea and the Soviets were utterly incompatible.
Capitalism vs. communism.
Rigid class society vs. socialist equality.
Aggressive militarism vs. Stalinist expansionism.
They clashed on every front.
Yet they compromised.
Heydrich understood that much.
When the costs of conflict loomed too large, even beasts avoided fights—so he could chalk it up to pragmatism between Korea and the Soviets.
But wholesale materiel support that propped up the Soviets was another matter entirely.
After much deliberation, Heydrich reported Korea's aid directly to Hitler.
Hitler had heard of it from the Foreign Ministry but knew nothing of the scale.
Upon reviewing the list of suspected Korean shipments, the Führer slammed his desk.
“This filthy yellow mongrel—what the hell does he think he’s doing!”
Even if it thwarted the Greater German Reich's victory, such meddling was utterly infuriating.
For a puny nation like Korea—far inferior in power—to flip off Berlin like this?
He couldn't let it stand.
Hitler's rage had racial undertones too.
Anglo-American interference grated, but it was white-on-white hierarchy squabbling—something that could happen.
But for lowly, uncivilized yellow scum to muddy the noble Aryan war? Unthinkable.
Hitler immediately summoned Armaments Minister Fritz Todt.
The minister, deep in deliberations over Eastern Front logistics, rushed to the Führer's office.
“What does the Führer want with me?”
“You’ll see when you get inside.”
As soon as Todt sat, Hitler unleashed his signature tirade.
“Doctor, our Wehrmacht hesitates, and now that wretched Korean Yi Seong-jun dares mock us too.”
Yi Seong-jun?
Why him, all of a sudden?
As the minister sat stunned, Hitler raised his voice in agitation.
“You wouldn’t know yet, Doctor, but that savage is muddying our war. He’s supplying the Soviets!”
Todt grasped the situation from Hitler’s words.
“Führer, if true, we should lodge a diplomatic protest first.”
If Korea were nearby, they’d teach them a lesson with force—but regrettably, they were on the opposite side of the globe.
With substantial national power, Korea was beyond Germany’s capacity to strike overseas—not even a whisker.
Threatening such a foe militarily was absurd.
“No! That’s too weak! It won’t punish those rude, vulgar yellow devils enough!”
Did he mean the gas chambers?
Todt couldn’t read Hitler’s intent.
“I’d like to hear your thoughts, mein Führer.”
“We should restore ties severed long ago by Yi Seong-jun. It’s time to dispatch a military advisory mission to China and supply weapons.”
“Pardon?”
Germany was now baking ethnic extermination bread with the Slavs.
Every soldier and bullet needed to be shoved into the Soviets—why meddle in China?
Todt doubted his ears.
“Prepare it immediately.”
Hitler pushed his idea with iron resolve.
Todt objected and argued, but Hitler wouldn’t budge.
“This is trouble.”
The military was already hounding him over supply lines.
Now his scant hair would fall out faster.
Todt sighed heavily.
Yi Seong-jun’s Soviet aid had boomeranged into German aid for China—the beneficiary was, of course, China.
Chiang Kai-shek danced a jig in his office, decorum be damned.
“Hahaha. That fool Yi Seong-jun. Strutted around like hot shit, and now he’s pissed off the Germans.”
No wonder he was thrilled.
An hour earlier, German Ambassador Heinrich Georg Stahmer had made a most welcome proposal.
“To foster German-Chinese friendship, we will resume our military advisory mission to aid Your Excellency in rebuilding the Central Army. Naturally, we’ll supply the necessary weapons at cost.”
“Most gracious words. Yet I worry it might irk Pyongyang—honestly, it gives me pause in deciding.”
“Then, Excellency, why not join the Axis Powers now? As an ally, the Republic of China would leave friendless Korea too intimidated to bare its teeth.”
Chiang, desperate for allies against Korean pressure, perked up.
“With Germany as our ally, Korea holds no terror.”
Germany had proven itself Western hegemon by conquering Europe.
Hitching to them for security was wisdom incarnate.
Chiang told the ambassador he’d consider Axis membership favorably.
Truth be told, Chiang was already 80% leaning that way.
After deliberation, he summoned Dai Li, head of the Blue Shirts Society.
“Germany proposes alliance. What’s your view? Can they win this war?”
If Germany could beat the Soviets, riding their coattails was the play.
“Western military experts initially predicted Soviet collapse in ten weeks. The timeline slipped, but the Soviets won’t win.”
“I see.”
Chiang took Dai Li at his word.
Days later, he ordered Foreign Minister Guo Taichi to review a Sino-German alliance.
Guo was baffled by the sudden directive.
“Excellency, Germany is a great power, yes—but remote from Asia. Aligning with them risks antagonizing nearby Soviet-leaning Korea, inviting fresh crisis.”
“I said review it first, didn’t I?”
Guo thought it forced but ordered subordinates to assess Sino-German alliance viability.
The review concluded:
“A Sino-German alliance ill serves the Republic of China. It alienates near powers like the Soviets and Korea, while inviting Anglo-American ire. Unless we wish all great powers as foes, reject Germany.”
The Foreign Ministry submitted this report.
Chiang flew into a rage.
“Those so-called great powers always sided with Korea over us China! Without their betrayal, we wouldn’t have lost the last war!”
So what if it irked unreliable powers?
They’d gain a solid friend—one with real muscle.
Chiang berated Guo, declaring the report flawed.
“You tell me to review, then scrap it when you don’t like the result? Ridiculous.”
Resigned, Guo ordered a “re-review.”
The new report read:
“Once Germany defeats the Soviets, Korea will be encircled by the Sino-German alliance, and China can swiftly secure German security aid via continental rail. Even factoring great power displeasure, it reliably deters the Korean threat—serving Republic of China interests.”
The revised report hit just right for Chiang.
He tabled it at an Executive Yuan meeting, elevating Sino-German alliance to serious agenda.
Yi Seong-jun’s Soviet aid was butterfly-effecting China toward the Axis path.